The online article quotes Ruth Ndyabahika,  a Rwandese and one of the event organizers saying that: “the tombs are culturally important to Ugandans and many are feeling the loss.”  This writer has also seen information from the organizers showing that the event is sponsored by non-Baganda groups of Ugandans like Twegayite and Banyakigezi. Ironically, members of these same group openly made fun of Buganda and labelled the Kabaka of Buganda a trouble-maker. When Baganda in Boston and New York/New Jersey organized events to mourn the loss of Kasubi Tombs these non-Baganda kept away.

As of Friday April 23, 2010, the NRM’s chief agents in the USA, Perez Kamunanwire and Ruhakana Rugunda planned to attend, with Rugunda as chief guest. Funding for the event reportedly came from the New York NRM station chief, Rugunda.

The main concerns are that (a)  organization such as Banyakigezi and Twegayite never send any condolences to established Baganda institutions like Ggwangamujje NY/NJ or Ggwangamujje Boston or to the elected Kabaka’s representatives in area, (b) in the organizers minds, Kasubi Tombs are just a Uganda landmark or tourist attraction, As one email we got from Boston put it: “Bano Abakiga n’Abasoga abamu balowooza nti obukulu bwa Kasubi tourism. Kiringa Omuyitale obutamanya nti Vatican eri ku mutima gwa buli Mukatuliki, ye nalowooza nti omugaso gwaayo kuleeta balambuzi mu Yitale.” (“Some of these Bakiga and Basoga think that the most important things about Kasubi is being a tourist site. It is like an Italian who does not understand that the hearts of Roman Catholics and thinks that the Vatican is an Italian tourist attraction.”)

The campaign by the NRM to promote Kasubi as a “Ugandan” historical site is especially sensitive to Baganda because it suggests intentional cultural genocide. To them, Kasubi is an active burial site for Buganda’s Kabakas and all grand children of its founder, Ssekabaka Muteesa II. Members of the fast reviving Basamize (Buganda native religion) movement believe that the spirits of all the four Kabakas buried at Kasubi live in the  Kibira section of the tombs. Miraculous, the Kibira was not destroyed by the Kasubi fire on  3/16 due to a sudden cloud of rain that fell for a few minutes just before the whole building could get destroyed.

Kabuye asks: “Lwaaki temulanga muka Museveni nti yajja? Lwaaki muyingirira byaffe ebya Buganda? Mwagala otukubya emizimu emiggo!” (“Why don’t you use Mrs. Museveni? Why do you meddle in Buganda affairs? Do you want the spirits of Buganda ancestors to punish us?”) He tells the UNAA team to stop spreading  false stories about the Nnabagereka and to stay out of Buganda affairs. Kabuye advises them to invite Mrs. Museveni. According to Mr. Kabuye’s, when they play with the Nnabagereka name, they are massaging the lion’s teeth. Finally The he demands that Omulangira Kalema Musoke must make clear where his loyalty is – Buganda or UNAA – and assures his listerners that Abaana ba Kintu will certainly stop the dirty tacktics against the Nnabagereka. MR. Kabuye vows to stop any attempt to connect the Nnabagereka institution with UNAA.

Click onEkiba_Kibe18Apr10A to listen Mr. Kabuye’s full broadcast.

The source who provided Cpt. Musisi’s appointment letter to us claimed that some of Kabaka’s representatives were disappointed that Musisi, who discovered Buganda causes after losing the UNAA elections was appointed such an important position. The source’s email says: “It seems that Mmengo makes decisions as if every Muganda thinks at the Kampala level. They were impressed by Musisi because he is a friendly guy but did they care how Kabaka’s representatives and the ordinary Baganda will feel? Did they even question the seriousness of his claims that he can collect a million dollars in months? From who?”

The Katikkiro’s addressed his letter the Kabaka’s representatives in North America, probably thinking that they will share it with the Baganda in their areas. However, it appears that the representatives decided to treat it as a “top secret” and have not told the Baganda in their areas.

The Katikkiro’s appointment letter kills the fake stories that have been planted by unknown people in the Monitor newspaper (on April 10, 2010) and on Internet radio stations claiming that Ssabasajja Kabaka, Muwenda Mutebi II appointed Capt. Musisi to lead the Kasubi fund raising in North America. One can assume however that, since Kabaka Mutebi was copied on the appointment letter, he is may be aware of what happened.

 The Katikkiro’s appointment letter, which was signed by Deputy Katikkiro Sendaula, is reproduced below for our readers:

 6^th April 2010

Eri Ababaka ba Ssaabasajja Kabaka
Mu Masaza g’America

Abakungu,

OKULONDEBWA KWA LT. FRANK MUSISI

Ebbaluwa yammwe eya March 30, 2010 nagifuna era ensonga ezirimu zonna ne nzanjulira Katikkiro.

Katikkiro antumye okutuusa okulamusa kwe awamu n’okubeebaza ennyo emirimu emirungi gye mukola ku lwammwe ne ku lw’Eggwanga lyammwe Buganda.  

Ebbaluwa yammwe yatunuuliddwa era neyekkaanyizibwa ku magezi ge mwatuwadde ku nsonga zino:

1. Kaweefube w’okusonda sente z’okuzzaawo Amasiro mu muwagira era mu mukutte bulungi.
2. Mwasembye nti mu kukola omulimu gw’okusonda sente tukozese ebibiina n’abantu abamanyifu era abalina obwesigwa mu bantu era abalabiddwa ebbanga.
3. Mwawadde amagezi nti olw’obwaguuga bwa ssemazinga wa America kiyinzika okubeera ekizibu okubeera ne “Coordination Centre” emu
4. Mwalaze nti ku “East Coast” ya America waliyo ebibiina bya Ggwanga Mujje.
5. Mwasembye nti Lt. Musisi ayinza okugenda mu maaso n’omulimu gweyatandikako ku “West Coast” ya America

N’olwensonga ezo, Katikkiro asazeewo nti olw’okuba nti Ggwanga mujje asangibwa mu New York/New, Washington DC ne Boston wokka, wakyaliwo ettundutundu ddene nnyo eryetaaga okukolamu omulimu.  Bwekityo, olwensonga nti Lt. Musisi alina obusobozi okutambula America olw’emirimu gye ate nga abadde mukulembeze wa UNAA, tulowozeza nti alina obumanyifu mu bantu bangi okwetoloola America.  Mu ngeri y’emu olw’okuba nti mumusembye okukola omulimu guno mu West Coast kiraze nti mumulinamu obwesigwa.

Bwekityo, Katikkiro alonze Lt. Frank Musisi okubeera “Special Mobiliser/Coordinator in USA for the Restoration of Kasubi Royal Tombs” mu bitundu etali Ggwanga Mujje.  Lt. Musisi ajja kubeera ng’akolagana n’ababaka ba Ssaabasajja mu bitundu ebyo byonna era mulina obuvunanyizibwa okulondoola obuvunanyizibwa obumuwereddwa.

Ssaabasajja Kabaka Awangaale!

Amb. Emmanuel L. Ssendaula
1^st DEPUTY KATIKKIRO ERA MINISITA W”ENSONGA ZA BUGANDA EBWERU.

 C.c.    Ssaabasajja Kabaka
C.c.    Katikkiro
C.c.    Omuwanika
C.c.    LT. Frank Musisi

walusimbi mayiga

The sacred Kasubi Tombs were burnt during the night of Wednesday March 16, 2010. Within 36 hours after the tragedy on March 18, 2010, Katikkiro Walusimbi announced that a technical committee had been set up to “analyze what was destroyed and draw a reconstruction budget”.  The Katikkiro also announced a finance committee, a committee to organize the official mourning, a security committee, a publicity committee and a coordination committee. He also said that special committees were to be formed by clan leaders (Abataka) and royal family (Abalangira n’Abambejja). On the same day, Mmengo announced that an account named Kasubi Royal Tombs, number 2210600019 had been opened in Centenary Bank, where well-wishers could contribute.  Curiously, the Katikkiro did not announce a committee to find out what could be the cause of fire. Up to now, there is little evidence that either the NRM occupation government or Mmengo is working hard to find who torched the tombs.

The speed at which Mmengo moved to start collecting money for reconstruction without consulting the people of Buganda, seems to have upset many of the Kabaka’s subjects.  Some Baganda are so suspicious that they want Mmengo investigated because they are behaving as if they had plans to rebuild the tombs even before they were burnt (see, “Members of Buganda Royal Family Issue Statement on Kasubi – English“, “Kasubi Fire Requires Independent Investigation, Archbishop Kizito Lwanga“  and “Ekiba Kibe Joins Bataka, Balangira and Bazzukulu To Warn Katikkiro“).

• The royal family issued their own statement to clarify that although Kasubi was for all Baganda, it was the sacred burial grounds for descendants of Ssekabaka Muteesa I.
• Buganda clan heads and cultural leaders (Abataka) also expressed strong opposition to Mmengo’s plans focus on working with UNESCO and the NRM occupation government to restore the sacred Baganda tombs.
• The Great Buganda Lukiiko resolved: “Olukiiko luyisiza ekiteeso eky’okuzzaawo Amasiro g’e Kasubi nga bwegaali era n’okugateeka ku mutindo” (“The Lukiiko has passed a resolution has passed a resolution to restore Amasiro g’e Kasubi [Kasubi Tombs] exactly they were and ensure that they up to standard”).  Note that the Lukiiko never spoke about modernization as the NRM controlled press is now claiming.
• Abazzukulu ba Buganda questioned Mmengo’s qualifications to restore and ancient cultural structure like Kasubi Tombs. They point out that the Mmengo had not record of completing even smaller construction projects such Twekobe or Bulange Plaza. They also rejected the idea letting UNESCO lead the project.
• Ekiba Kibe radio in Boston, which often reflects the frustration Baganda in the diaspora have with the NRM occupation of their country, also strongly advised Katikkiro Walusimbi to ensure that the Abataka and the royal family take the lead since they were responsible for the existence of Kasubi Tombs.
• The Catholic Archbishop of Kampala added a new angle when he called for an independent commission of inquiry and added that Mmengo officials are among those who must be questioned

It is not clear if Katikkiro Walusimbi and his cabinet are willing to become more transparent and allow the citizens of Buganda and owners of the tombs to play a bigger role.

When we sent an email to request the opinion of our New York based analyst, he replied: “If Katikkiro Walusimbi and his team go ahead without proper consultation and support from Baganda all over the world, the project is likely to get stuck like Twekobe and they may not be forgiven this time. There is no reason why they should be rushing. This is not a simple construction project but a job of restoring Baganda’s souls. The process we follow is even more important than the building we will get.

“For example, in my opinion, they should organize seminars for Baganda clans at each ssaza headquarters and with the royal family, to explain the situation and listen to ideas. They should also have similar seminars in Johannesburg, London, Stockholm, New York, Boston, Washington DC and Toronto and other Baganda population centres.  This may take months but will ensure that every Muganda feels part of the project and can properly heal from the shock they suffered when the tombs were burnt. After that, even US$5M dollars could be provided by Kabaka’s subjects alone. Money from others would still be welcome but it would not humiliate Baganda. If Katikkiro Walusimbi and his men continue to make and announce decisions without wide consulting, I can assure Baganda will stand and watch and that will force Mmengo to rely mostly on money from the NRM government and foreigners.  Using NRM money to restore Kasubi is like selling the tombs. Remember that most Baganda blame Museveni and his NRM for the burning of Kasubi Tombs.”

In the mean time, according to sources in Mmengo, the largest contributors so far are: New Vision (Shs 20M); Habib Kagimu (Shs 10M); Museveni’s Gilbert Bukenya (US$10,000); Tumusiime Mutebire (Shs 10M); Museveni’s Apollo Nsibambi ($10,000); Nile Breweries Board (Shs 20M); Mahdvani Group of Companies (Shs 100M); Standard Chartered (Shs 50M); Coca Cola (Shs 15M); and James Mulwana (Shs 10M). As it turns out, several of these were also among the biggest contributors to Museveni’s last presidential campaign. At this pace, the Katikkiro and his cabinet might one day be accused of  restoring the Kasubi Tombs with NRM blood money and keeping Baganda out of the process.

We congratulate all Christians upon having completed the holy period of lent.

We thank the lord for the gift of life which has helped us reach this glorious day of Easter.

The lent has been a period of counseling and renewing our relationship with God and to that of our fellow people.

Every one of us is a witness of what is currently happening in our country, we are very, very much worried and it is not a good symbol to the country.

And for that matter, despite the end of the lent period, Christians should continue praying to God so that He strengthens their faith for the good of our country.

I wish you all a happy Easter.

God Bless you.

If Mugema were to grant Lukwago’s request and expel Mirundi from the clan, it would mean that the presidential adviser would no longer be a Muganda. He and his children and grandchildren would have no clan, ssiga (sub-county) or mutuba. It would also mean that when Tamale dies, he would not be buried as a Muganda or have his last funeral rites (lumbe) authorized and officiated by Baganda clan officials.

The NRM’s Bukedde also reported that Tamale Mirundi dismissed Lukwago’s suggestion. He allegedly said that to him Baganda clans are like any other organization or association which brings people together. He compared clans to the Uganda Journalist Association (UJA) and similar organizations.

According to the March 17, 2010 Ekiba Kibe broadcasts, Baganda held big Ggwangamujje mourning gatherings in Boston, New Jersey and Los Angeles on Tuesday and Wednesday. Mourning is expected to go on for sometime but no end dates have been announced.  On the same program, the Chairman of Ggwangamujje Boston describes the various ways Museveni has impoverished, robbed and even killed Baganda. As examples, Mr. Mayanja mentions the young virgins of Budo Primary School who were sacrificed in a ritual dormitory fire, other school fires, the destruction of Buganda agriculture, the closure of CBS, the theft of Buganda’s native lands and the murder of ordinary Baganda. Mr. Mayanja announced more mourning meetings, indicating that in America Baganda might mourn for the Kasubi tombs for longer than the one week which Mmengo wants for Buganda.

Click on Ekiba_Kibe17Mar10C and on Ekiba_Kibe17Mar10D to listen to the Ekiba Kibe programs of March 17, 2010.

For nearly 20 years, the World Bank and western countries that finance the NRM government have ignored the excesses of president Museveni and his cabal and funnelled billions of dollars into Uganda.  Baganda analysts tend to cite corruption and racism within the donor community as the primary reasons why president Museveni and his NRM have had such a successful run. Since 1992 Uganda’s NRM government has depended on foreign aid for 50-60% of its budget (donors usually understate it to avoid embarrassment).  During the same period, Uganda’s rulers and their families have taken advantage of the donor support to invade Congo, steal billions of dollars from the national treasury and murder citizens using illegal militia like Black Mambas.  Using traditional “Mbulira gwoyita naye” logic, many Baganda opinion leaders argue that the corruption in the NRM government is undisputable evidence that their benefactors, the donors, are also corrupt.

Many  Baganda intellectuals also believe that, Uganda’s western foreign donors  think that black Africans do not deserve the same human rights as others. For example, most  European countries do not tolerate use of selective laws to steal property and deny self-determination rights from a distinct European nation like Bosnians or Slovaks or Danes or Latvians.  However, in Uganda, countries like Norway and Denmark aggressively  fund projects like Decentralization and the 1998 Land Act, which are specifically designed to deny Baganda their human rights. This irrationality is leading many Baganda intellectuals to conclude that racism is a major factor in the Uganda donor community’s approach to Museveni.  The theory is also supported by the radically different reaction seen from the western countries when Robert Mugabe applies similarly inhuman policies to whites in Zimbabwe.

In what some Banda observers believe might be a USA led shift in tolerance towards Mr. Museveni in 2010, however, the Western countries appear to be taking some steps to distance themselves from Museveni’s policies.  President Obama sent a strong signal when he refused to grant Mr. Museveni private meeting at the UN Annual Meeting late last year. Last month, the US Congress passed a resolution instructing the State Department to monitor and report  on Uganda 2011 election campaign. Recently, the USA Ambassador to Uganda officially recognized the Kingdom of Buganda when he trekked to Kabaka Mutebi’s Banda palace for an official visit (see “United States Ambassador Listens To Kabaka Mutebi”).

In the latest move by Museveni’s benefactors, a western diplomatic official has leaked a World Bank  statement that threatens the withdraw of funding. It was presented to the NRM government  in a closed door national budget workshop late last month.  The periodic national budget workshops are popularly known as the Uganda’s begging conferences in local circle.

The full text of the leaked World Bank statement is reproduced in full below:

DEVELOPMENT PARTNERS REMARKS
NATIONAL BUDGET WORKSHOP
25-26 February 2010
(As prepared for delivery)
Your Excellency, the President of the Republic of Uganda,
Right Honorable Prime Minister,
Honorable Minister of Finance, Planning and Economic Development,
Honorable Ministers,
Honorable Members of Parliament,
Representatives of civil society organizations and the private sector,
Members of the diplomatic community,
Distinguished participants, Ladies and Gentlemen,

On behalf of the development partners, I wish to thank the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development for organizing this budget workshop.

We recognize that the 2010/11 budget is being developed in tandem with the National Development Plan. This provides an opportunity to focus the budget on Uganda’s development priorities.

Let me take this opportunity to commend the Government of Uganda on its continued macroeconomic achievements.

Sustained economic growth has translated into a significant decline in poverty levels. Moreover, the economy is weathering the impact of the global financial crisis better than anticipated and headline inflation has returned to single digits.

We also welcome the introduction, by the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, of performance based budgeting, quarterly release of funds to spending agencies, and allocation of more resources to monitoring of results.

The Office of the Prime Minister has improved reporting on government performance. This will help to improve accountability. And we congratulate the Government for its efforts to bring peace to Northern Uganda and championing reconstruction of that region.

Your Excellency, past accomplishments by the government of Uganda have been remarkable. However, the real test of prudent and effective government lies in how you will address the challenges of the future.

The vision for Uganda laid out by your Excellency is inspiring and clear: Uganda has to become a middle income country over the next 15 years. Consequently, this statement by development partners has only one theme: what will it take for Uganda to achieve this goal?

There are three challenges that Uganda needs to tackle.
The first challenge: Uganda needs higher economic growth and lower population growth. For Uganda to attain middle income status over the next 15 years, per capita income growth needs to be 6% per year, meaning the economy has to grow at close to 10% per year.

Is this possible? Yes, it is: Thailand had the same GDP per capita as Uganda in 1963; it became a middle income country 18 years later. Indonesia had the same GDP per capita as Uganda in 1978; it became a middle income country 17 years later.

And, Malaysia grew 135% in per capita terms over 20 years from 1960.
These three countries have one common factor: during the period of dramatically rising per capita incomes, fertility rates fell between 40 to 50%.

This is no coincidence. These countries were basically “harvesting the demographic dividend” – the period where falling fertility rates leads to a falling dependency ratio: that means a larger proportion of the population is in their working age, compared to children and the elderly.

At 3.2% growth per year, Uganda has one of the fastest rates of population growth in the world. Uganda’s population is projected to reach 38 million by 2015 and close to 100 million by 2050. This has serious implications for livelihoods, food security, maternal and child mortality, and the environment.

Providing social services such as education and healthcare to a rapidly growing population will put enormous strains on both households and the public purse.

Despite economic growth over the last 20 years, profound inequality in incomes, living standards and life expectancy persist within and across regions. Making economic growth more inclusive should therefore be a priority.

The second challenge: Uganda can only attain middle income status with a healthy and educated labor force.

Uganda needs to accelerate progress towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals for health and education. The NDP states unequivocally that the health and education MDG indicators will only “marginally improve”.

Only slightly more than half of the children that enter primary one, reach primary five. This is well short of the goal that all children, boys and girls alike, should complete a full course of primary education.

In addition, the targets for child and infant mortality and maternal health are also unlikely to be reached and Uganda still has one of the highest rates of maternal mortality in the world.

Building an effective and accountable state is the third crucial challenge Uganda is faced with. The fast growing countries of Asia mentioned earlier are not free of corruption.

But corruption in these countries has not affected the effectiveness of the state to the extent that it affects the Ugandan state. Development partners are particularly concerned about Government failure to take effective action against high level corruption.

A recent example is CHOGM, where there has been minimal follow-up on recommendations in the audit reports, which have been known since 2008.

The PAC hearings have publicized the issues surrounding the leakage and abuse of CHOGM funds. Yet, government administrative action to sanction offenders or recover funds has so far been inadequate.

Your Excellency, corruption in Uganda is endemic and we have seen no signs of improvement. The costs of corruption, stealing and leakages are staggering: $1.6 million lost in the global fund to fight aids, tuberculosis and malaria; $4.6 million lost in the GAVI immunization scam; at least $27 million lost in connection with CHOGM; billions of Shillings lost in the NAADS scam and the NSSF Temangalo scandal; and the loss in procurement corruption is estimated by the PPDA to be more than $100m per year.

However, government effectiveness is not only undermined by corruption. There remain fundamental gaps in public financial and public sector management. Basic rules are not adhered to. Lines of accountability are confused, mandates of central and local governments are not clear.

This has created a fundamental lack of accountability in Government. How else to explain high levels of absenteeism of teachers and health workers estimated at causing losses of up to $70 million per year?

Last but surely not least, only effective and accountable states are able to turn oil into a blessing for a country. Without an effective and accountable government, Uganda could easily become the next African country where oil has become a curse.

Your Excellency, let me now address the concrete steps that can be taken to ensure Uganda becomes a middle income country.

First: government needs to remove the binding constraints to growth and curb population growth. The dual challenge of increased economic growth and rapid job creation requires that the binding constraints on growth, such as poor transport infrastructure and insufficient supply of electricity are tackled.

The increased investments in the transport sector are therefore commendable. However, increased investments should be matched by an equal effort to improve governance and capacity of the sector to ensure that money is well spent.

We would like to urge the government to stick to the time-tested policy of trusting the private sector for implementing major works.

Only a vibrant private sector construction industry will provide Uganda with the roads that are so badly needed. The re-introduction of district force account operations was and still is a bad idea.

The current low level of absorption capacity in the private sector is a result of lack of investments in the past. The private sector will meet the challenges of road construction and maintenance only if investments by the Government are predictable.

Despite the huge increase in spending on road construction and maintenance, the government has yet to put in place a system for monitoring road conditions.

This leaves the sector open to fraud and undermines efforts to achieve value for money in the road sector. A big proportion of future oil revenues will surely be spent on the transport sector.

This makes it even more urgent to improve the governance framework for road construction and maintenance.
The NDP has identified a reduction in fertility as a major strategy.

According to surveys, Ugandan women would like to have fewer children than they currently have. However, 41% of demands for family planning services are currently unmet.

Without a rapid expansion of family planning programs, Uganda will not be able to replicate the impressive growth rates in the Asian countries mentioned earlier.

What is needed, therefore, is a commitment on the part of government to increase its share in procurement of contraceptives, which is currently less than 10% of national requirements.

Equally important is increased focus on girls’ education and improvement in reproductive health, to address the shortfalls against the MDG indicators mentioned earlier.

Lastly, Mr. President, as demonstrated over the last 23 years, a stable political environment is the single most important factor for a good business climate.

Political upheaval is very bad for investment and doing business, as we have recently witnessed in Kenya. In turn, respect for the rule of law and human rights is essential to guarantee political stability.

Second: government needs to prioritize public spending while ensuring that Uganda’s labor force is healthy and educated.

Addressing the challenge of providing quality services to the growing Ugandan population necessitates prudent and efficient use of Uganda’s limited financial resources. Achieving value for money is therefore essential.

In addition to curbing waste and inefficiencies the government should prioritize public spending. Development partners share the concern of Uganda’s civil society and media about the high and increasing levels of spending on government’s administrative structures.

These are resources that could otherwise be invested in infrastructure and on providing basic education, health care and clean drinking water to the poor.

The sharp increase in the number of districts in recent years (and continued plans for new ones), diverts both human and financial resources from existing districts and undermines the capacity of local governments to effectively deliver services.

Starting at 36 districts, 80 districts last year, and now 91 districts: who can make a serious case that this expansion of the number of districts is good for service delivery?

I now turn to concrete suggestions to strengthen the capacity of the Ugandan state.

An effective and accountable state is needed to guarantee value for money in service delivery by tackling corruption, waste and inefficiencies. Oil will provide much of the resources needed to increase public and private investment in future years.

However, if these investments are to yield lasting results, the management of public finances has to improve.

While we recognize the Government of Uganda’s commitment to the value for money agenda, much more needs to be done. The NDP identifies public sector management and administration as the number one binding constraint to achieving Uganda’s development objectives.

The remaining gaps in some of the fundamental aspects of public financial management need urgent attention in order to improve spending capacity and efficiency.

For example, zero tolerance towards non-adherence to the Commitment Control Systems, or the circumvention of IFMIS, is required to address the long standing abuse of Public Financial Management (PFM) systems.

Making sure basic PFM systems work requires in the first place fundamental behavioral change. This change can only be brought about by the Government and each one of you sitting here.

Weak public sector management and administration is one of the main causes of absenteeism of teachers and health workers. This waste of public resources should not be allowed to continue.

Action should be taken to address absenteeism. This should include not only positive incentives, but also strong disciplinary measures.
Lastly, Mr. President, the Government of Uganda has to start fighting corruption seriously.

The undeniable lack of government action to follow up on cases of grand corruption is a key area of development partner concern. Policies, laws and institutions are in place, but enforcement is limited, creating a culture of impunity.

Offenders should be sanctioned, money should be recovered and criminal investigations taken forward on key cases. We commend MoFPED on the recent initiative to develop an Action Plan for follow-up on CHOGM, which we hope will lead to concrete action being taken in the near future.

The Government’s failure to act on high level corruption will have implications, and donors under the Joint Budget Support Framework are currently considering a range of actions.

This may include withholding disbursements, reductions in aid, or re-programming away from direct budget support etc. These were all options discussed and agreed to with the Government in the 2007/08 budget appraisal.

In conclusion, Your Excellency, we would like to assure the government of Uganda that Development Cooperation will increasingly be a results-oriented partnership, where development partners can demonstrate to their own taxpayers that money is well spent.

We are committed to improving the predictability of aid and to working with Government to address the serious challenges Uganda faces to consolidate past gains and achieve lasting results for the people of Uganda.

Thank you for your attention.

Kundhavi Kadiresan
World Bank Country Manager
Chair, Local Development Partners’ Group
Co-Chair, Joint Budget Support Framework Policy Committee

The meeting was attended by Katikkiro, J.B. Walusimbi, the Attorney General, Owek. Apollo Makubuya.

Ambassador Jerry P. Lanier is a career diplomat with 26 years of service in the Department of State. Prior his appointment as the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Uganda, he served as the Foreign Policy Advisor for U.S. Africa Command headquartered in Stuttgart, Germany.  Previously, he was the Director of the Office of Regional and Security Affairs in the Africa Bureau at the State Department.  Mr. Lanier has also served in the Philippines, Kenya, Thailand, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and Ghana.

Clearly unaware of the concept of the fundamental human right to self-determination,  Tamale Mirundi says in Luganda English: “Federalism means Buganda, all of the kingdoms, were sitting down and they create a central government. This is arrogance. Where do they get to mandate, dictate or not? Where do they get the mandate?”

Click here to listen to the NPR special program.

You can also read the text of the broadcast here.