Why I am leaving and what it next for Buganda Post

It is always very difficult to say goodbye to the ones you love.  Even more so when the reasons for leaving a totally out of your control.  It is against that background that this columnist must tell you that this will be her last posting for the foreseeable future. The main reason for my leaving is financial. Our original sponsor, God bless his soul, is not able to continue funding me in this severe economic recession and I need to improve my income security urgently.  Maybe in future, when the financial situation is better, I may contribute again in some capacity.

In the meantime, I have recommended to the sponsor that we get other people whose commitment to Buganda and Ssabasajja Kabaka is unquestionable to take over Buganda Post and operate it on a more business like footing.  We have been offering everything for free, including advertising for Ttabamiruka, Red Cross, Human Rights Watch and other worthy causes.  However, I think Buganda Post has potential to sustain itself financially with several contributors and paid advertising. If you have any interest or suggestions you can contact the sponsor (Sam) on info@BugandaPost.com.

Now back to Beti Namisango Kamya

To understand the importance of what Beti has achieved since September 2008, you must first understand that Mr. Museveni, Dr. Kiiza Besigye and the rest of the Banyankore/Bakiga/Banyarwanda clique who now control all aspects of our lives were confident that they could carry on all their personal and political fights in Buganda while the Baganda were doing the water carrying for them.  In the NRM, Mr. Museveni was comfortable with his Baganda political henchmen like Apollo Nsibambi , Gilbert Bukenya and Sekandi. And, in FDC,  Dr. Besigye was hoping to match Museveni’s Baganda henchmen with Sam Njuba , Beti Kamya and (curiously) Yusuf Nsibambi.

Then, out of the blue, the soldier’s daughter saw the light! Besigye had manipulated the FDC constitution in Museveni style to bar Kamya from competing top the late Dr. Sulaiman Kiggundu as party president.  Yet Kamya had done all the heavy lifting to consolidate FDC while Besigye was hiding in South Africa. Confusion, anger and personal doubt must have followed for Beti. But it is clear that the urge to go home and serve her Kabaka in these tough times won Beti over. Around August/September 2008  Beti started her “Buganda first” message and connected with the Ttabamiruka people in America.  That  is the spanner Beti threw in the Museveni/Besigye exclusive political sports league in Uganda.  It is a “game changer”.

Beti understands what Dr. Martin Luther King was talking about

In his famous  “I Have a Dream” speech, Dr. King said:  “We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God’s children.”

I believe that my sister Beti Namisango Kamya is telling us that Buganda cannot afford the “luxury of cooling off” periods to negotiate, which Katikkiro JB Walusimbi and Mr. Museveni are forcing on us. Nor can Buganda  afford the tranquilizing drug of gradualism (“nyama ntono, okayana eri mu nkwaawa”) , the signature tactic Katikkiro Mulwanyamuli Ssemwogerere  and Museveni used to lead Baganda  into the Regional Tier abyss.

Omuzaana Beti Kamya is also addressing the “dark and desolate valley” of desperation where Buganda  has been forced by the Banyankore/Bakiga/Banyarwanda conspiracy.  A valley where foreigners can even stop Kabaka from visiting his subject in Buluuli. And I think that Beti  is telling us that, now is the time to lift our nation Buganda from the “quicksands of racial injustices” that we have suffered from Uganda party politics and will which will continue if we trust Ugandan political parties.

This columnist does not know if Beti Kamya has ever even listened to or read Dr. King’s “I Have a Dream” speech. But it is clear that she and her advisors understand what  Martin Luther King was talking about. For that I salute Beti Kamya and all other Baganda who are intelligent enough and brave enough to realize that our salvation will come from being and behaving like “Baganda first” – Uganda is now nothing but a looting spree! We must stand shoulder to shoulder with Beti Kamya, Mpanga, Nambooze, Kyanjo and all other loyal Baganda to build a internation buganda freedom movement to resist the looting of Buganda.

Ssabasajja Kabaka Awangaale.

Omulongo Nakato

According to the UBS November 2008 Economic Statistics Report: “The annual headline inflation rate for the year ending November 2008 went up to 14.9% from 14.5% in October.  Food inflation rose to 30.3% in November from 29.2% the previous month.” See for more TBD for inflation.

A National Food Security Report presented by Mr. Museveni’s own  ministry of Disaster Preparedness to MPs, ministers and donor representatives on November 26, 2008 says:  “In Karamoja, about 407,543 people require aid, while in Acholi sub-region, about one million are facing starvation…  The food shortage follows poor harvests due to a prolonged dry spell and reduction in livestock due to disease, inadequate pasture, scarcity of water and rustling… The main causes of food insecurity were environmental degradation, inter-clan conflicts, poor government policies and inadequate local government resources…  Other areas that are facing food shortage include Teso, Elgon, Lango and West Nile regions.”

Unaffected by and oblivious to the inflation pains caused by high oil prices and a weaker Uganda Shilling or the hardships that the ordinary Ugandans are facing,  Governor Emmanuel Mutebire told the 3rd National Public Dialogue on Impacts of the Global Financial Crisis: “The current economic crisis that has plunged the west into panic will not affect Uganda’s economy as most analysts have predicted. The immediate impact of the financial turmoil in the western world (on Uganda) is almost zero.”

And a seemingly incoherent Museveni, told members of  the African Parliamentary Union at Speke Hotel, Munyonyo  on November 29, 2008: “If the world is now desperate for food,  that is good for Africa. Certainly, it is good for Uganda. Europeans were not allowing us to sell them food because they had protectionism…  They put taxes and protectionist measures like subsiding their farmers within Europe,… In Uganda, we are ready.”

The contradictions between filthy rich Museveni and Mutebi and their professional employees in UBS and Disaster Preparedness points to one thing;  President Museveni, governor Mutebi and their type are totally out of touch with the economic realities in Uganda.  Clearly, even Museveni isn’t sure what is going on in Uganda.

Obviously, the FDC top brass have known of Kamya’s “Buganda first” agenda for many months. That is, since Besigye, Wafula Ogutu, Salam Musumba and Anne Mugisha, with tacit support form Sam Njuba, manipulated the FDC constitution, NRM style, to make sure that Kamya could not replace the late Hajji Sulaiman Kiggundu.  It has been months since Kamya outted Besigye as a Museveni-style dictator. To punish Beti, Wafula Ogutu and Anne Mugisha have planted numerous new stories, especially in the Indian owned The Monitor.  Monitor writers have written stories accusing Kamya of incompetence, blind ambition, spying for NRM, recklessness and any other character damaging attribute that the FDC brass got time to approve.  And Kamya has fought back, paralyzing the FDC’s activities in Buganda by successfully persuading Baganda FDC members not to participate in the party’s branch election within the kingdom.

Kamya took her “Buganda first” leadership to a totally another level when she internationalized it at Ttabamiruka ’08 in the USA.   At the annual Baganda international conference,  Kamya  found a few hundred well educated and very loyal Baganda who proved fertile soil for her words along with the popular  “Let’s have a divorce” message from Kyanjo. The Ttabamiruka Baganda fell in love with Beti’s declaration that total loyalty to Ssabasajja Kabaka and Buganda interests would guide all her future political actions.

Beti Kamya did not specifically refer to Ttabamiruka ’08 or its resolutions in her press release of last Saturday . However, Beti’s writings are in many ways aligned with the Ttabamiruka ’08 resolutions.  A contact within the Ttabamiruka community has told this columnist that Kamya’s press release has generated excitement in London and USA, especially around New York and Washington.  The contact said: “Many of us in the Ttabamiruka family see Beti’s press release as a signal that she is a woman of her word. She is acting on what we agreed on in New Jersey, especially abandoning cowardice, stopping the begging and getting Buganda rights debated across the kingdom.”

The Ttabamiruka ’08 resolutions in English are reproduced below. The Luganda version is at Ttabamiruka ‘08 Resolutions – Luganda Version.

CONFERENCE RESOLUTIONS

WE, THE CONFEREES AT THE TTABAMIRUKA 2008 IN NEW JERSEY

HAVING OBSERVED THAT:
-That the current governance of Buganda is devoid of Justice.
-That a governance without Justice breeds poverty, violence and corruption. We have observed these problems in Uganda since 1966 and continue to do so.
-We accept that it is our duty to reform the governance of our nation.

DO THEREBY RESOLVE:
1. That we are firm in our allegiance to our Ssabasajja Kabaka, traditions and customs, and we thank Ssabasajja Kabaka for his gracious message to the conference.

2. That we have abandoned cowardice, laziness and self effacement in our quest for Freedom and Justice. No officer of the Kingdom of Buganda may beg for Justice as a favour from anybody.

3. That we are proud of the courage and obedience to Ssabasajja Kabaka shown by His servants Betty Nambooze, Charles Mayega and Medard Lubega,and pledge to be as courageous as they are.

4. That it is the urgent duty of all Baganda, acting through their offices, associations and parties, to enter into direct discussions with the other peoples of Uganda on the terms of union and governance that are acceptable to all, and to draft a new Basic Law of the Land in accord with Buganda’s interests.

5. That such discussions must be based on the recognition that:
-Uganda is and remains an entity created and owned by the 14 ancient African Nations whose symbols are inscribed on the walls of the Parliament of Uganda, which came together in 1962 and agreed on the Independence constitution.
- Buganda, upon entering that agreement, was an independent nation that left British rule on October 8, 1962.
-These ancient nations created the central government to administer their common purpose, not to be an overlord.
- The assets and duties of the Central Government are granted to it by the assent of the ancient African nations that formed it. The central government has otherwise no proper title to such assets and has no right to apportion them at its pleasure.

6. That the right of the Baganda to administer Buganda internally, including control of governance and land, is not negotiable and may not be negotiated by any officer of the Kingdom. The Baganda recognize the right of the other nationalities in Uganda to assert a similar claim.

We urge all Baganda to debate these matters in their neighbourhoods, in their clans and in their councils and to publish their opinions .

We have reported these resolutions to Ssabasajja Kabaka through his representative where we are seated – 31 August 2008.

September and October 2008 have witnessed exponential growth in Buganda bashing and overt discrimination against Baganda in jobs and government. Emails forwarded to this columnist from Internet discussion groups such as UgandansAtHeart and UNAANET spew increasingly hostile verbal attacks against Baganda.  The worst abuse comes from Banyankore, Bakiga and Banyarwanda. And some comes from Museveni’s Baganda agents. Some political analysts attribute the anti-Baganda surge to the massive spending by President Museveni. He spent millions to kill the Buganda Independence celebrations and to muzzle the so called Mmengo radicals. He has also allocated a few hundred thousand dollars to keep control over the UNAA Convention in Chicago and to kill Ttabamiruka ’09 in Boston.

The story told by one Semakula (other names omitted on request) in an email to this columnist illustrates the extent of the hatred against Baganda. Semakula went for a job interview earlier in October. When it was the turn of one Munyankore member of the interview panel, he skipped the questions and simply told off Semakula. In Semakula’s words, “He abused me and asked me why I don’t go to Kabaka to employ me; and he assured me that there was no job for me. I got paralyzed but prayed to God that may be some day we shall liberate ourselves.”

Baganda have been pushed against the wall by experiences such that of Semakula above; that is why they now are openly telling their tormentors and their collaborators that payback time may be around the corner. When the organizers of Ttabamiruka ‘07 disowned occupation collaborators Kintu Musoke, Tamale Mirundi and Aisha Kabanda, they were saying, “It’s payback time collaborators.” When Dick Kasolo and Baganda youth’s pulled the microphone away from Kahinda (The Ugly) Otafiire at the funeral of late MP Winnie Makumbi, the new Muganda was saying, “It’s payback time tormentors.” When Apollo (Bampaane) Nsibambi was stopped from addressing mourners at the funeral services for late Haji Sulaiman Kiggundu, the same new Muganda was warning, “It’s payback time, showoff guy.”

The new Muganda is not letting up. During the October 11, 2008 edition of the CBS FM Radio program Mambo Baado, Baganda youths in the audience chased away Museveni’s RDC for Mpigi, Katenda Luutu, because “he is part of the government that stopped Kabaka Mutebi from going to Nakasongola.” This act shocked Museveni so much that he instructed Kale Kaihura, the inspector of Uganda police, to interrogate Ssozi Kaddu Mukasa and establish what really happened. And Katenda Luutu’s security has been beefed up.

The latest dramatic “payback time” message from the new Muganda was delivered on October 17, 2008 in Kiwatule, near Ntinda. That is where Muluuli Mukasa, Museveni’s former security minister and front man on Buluuli lives. Earlier in the week, Baganda residents of the area, led by Kabaka’s village chief (not the same as Museveni’s LC 1), had delivered a letter to Mukasa Muluuli’s home. The letter summoned him to attend an October 17, 2008 meeting and defend himself against “rumors” that he was involved in stopping Kabaka Mutebi from visiting Nakasongola. Mukasa Muluuli did not come but sent a message that he was out of town but would meet them as soon as he returned. In the meantime though, this columnist has learnt from a reliable Uganda government source that Mukasa Muluuli is scared and has requested Museveni  for more security, starting with getting him a car. He cites newspaper reports that quoted the villagers as saying, “We don’t want Muluuli Mukasa to live among us when some of the villagers view him as an enemy, especially considering that he regularly travels at night on foot or by taxi through the village.”

Baganda have a proverb, “Ebibimba bikka” (“Whatever goes up come down”). This columnist argues that  President Museveni started coming down in 1998, the day he started his campaign to grab Buganda land through the Land Act which Baganda heavily protested.  That is when he started genuine loss of support among Baganda. He started the bashing as a defensive move against Baganda resistance but now it has produced this new Muganda. The new Muganda is on his way to become ungovernable by outsiders like Museveni. And the new Muganda is starting to quietly say, “Payback time” to Museveni’s collaborators. The big question is: Will all Baganda bashers be able to ask for protection from Museveni like Muluuli Mukasa? Why not simply stop the senseless Baganda bashing?

After three months of investigation, it appears that former professor’s analysis was right on the money.  Actually a huge majority of Baganda in Museveni’s UPDF can convert to Buganda Defense Forces (BDF) overnight without much persuasion. Because the UPDF is not a professional army, the Baganda in it have received some of the best training but face excessive discrimination and most of them, like other Baganda youths, are very loyal to Kabaka. They are frustrated and, when Museveni’s system starts crumbling, they are willing to fight for a new order where Buganda is free to decide her future. And, after the Museveni nightmare, they are unwilling to follow the leadership of another smooth talking non-Muganda commander. Besigye is seen as no different than Museveni.

Probably the most educative source of information during my investigation was the series of interviews that I had with an active senior Muganda UPDF officer and close family friend. He explained that the UPDF is not a professional army, say like Kenya’s, because Museveni intentionally structured it to avoid a military coup. “And he succeeded because we do not have officer messes, a modern commissary, sports clubs or other things where officers or men can get to know and trust each other and their commanders. There is a total lack of trust among officers and men, made worse by the excessive tribalism and corruption by westerners and Banyarwanda who are mostly interested in stealing money and running businesses. That is why you can see a 25 year old Second Lieutenant from Nyabushozi with a huge house and several cars while a Colonel from Buganda or the North travels by boda boda.”  A military coup is nearly impossible because there is no real command-and-control in the UPDF and many important decisions are based on rumors and even advice from witch doctors.

The senior UPDF officers revealed that even Museveni is not sure of the UPDF force size because he has allowed the enlistment of ghost soldiers and foreigners for so many years. However, the officer  estimated that if one counts both active and retired combatants the effective number is about 100,000, with at least 20,000 of them being Baganda proper.  And there are many quality Baganda commissioned and non-commissioned officers since “most of us don’t have the opportunities to be corrupt and try to advance through training while most westerners think that it interrupts with their business activities.” Apparently there are also thousands of Baganda veterans who have served under a command and who would be ready to contribute when activated. Many of these, now taxis drivers, boda boda drivers, market vendors and artisans are very bitter about the way Museveni and his people have cheated Buganda and mistreated Kabaka Mutebi.

On who would command the so called Buganda Defense Forces or BDF, the senior military man said: “It is much simpler than you think. These nearly 10,000 or so Baganda fighters would follow any Muganda who has charisma so long as it is clear that the individual is loyal to Kabaka and has Buganda’s interest at heart. Baganda in the UPDF found out much earlier than the rest of you that Uganda is a failed state, after Museveni could not guarantee them salaries. We just don’t know what to do when Mmengo is as corrupt as Nakasero. If there is a Katikkiro who is 100% loyal to Kabaka and has the brains to understand the situation as well as show capacity to be a commander, we can do the rest. Buganda is our only home and the rest of the UPDF is too disorganized to be a problem for us. Also remember that our friends from Acholi, Busoga, Teso or Lango now know that despite the current corruption and cowardice in Mmengo ordinary Baganda are no longer cowards.”

The military veteran, who aspires to retire in the BDF, made one other interesting observation: “Remember that a band of Banyarwanda, who had a strong cause, took NRA equipment 400 Kms to hostile Hutu-led Rwanda and took power. Why should better trained Baganda who are already in very friendly home territory equipped with Ugandan arms stockpiles in Kyadondo, Busiro, Buddu, Buwekula and Buluuli and Bulemeezi not have it even easier. You see, as Uganda continues to fail, our cause to save Buganda and to never allow outsiders to terrorize us becomes stronger. The only thing missing is a leader in Mmengo who has the natural intelligence and patriotism of Muliika as well as the sophistication to assure Buganda that he is 100% obedient to Kabaka. If such serious leadership exists under Kabaka when things start to fall apart Okwonko style, a new BDF could take shape overnight and bring immediate order in the 18 counties of Buganda.”

First, Mr. Museveni is reported to have invested millions of United States dollars in getting rid of Katikkiro Muliika, mostly in bribes to current and former Mmengo officials and a few clan leaders to undermine Muliika.  Then he opened the Land Act amendment onslaught, combined with the ferrying of thousands of armed Balaalo and foreigners onto Buganda’s native public lands (9,000 square miles). He even went ahead started publishing an official government  map of Uganda which name Kigezi, Bunyoro, Acholi, Busoga, etc. but identify Buganda as “central region”.  This column has reliably learnt that Mr. Museveni’s extensive network among Buganda opinion leaders also helped him to covertly get Engr. J. B. Walusimbi become Katikkiro. So, it is not by accident that Engr. Walusimbi’s appointment was much praised by Museveni, his vice president Bukenya and his prime minster Nsibambi or that Museveni strongly supports Walusimbi’s unpopular plans for Kabaka/Museveni negotiations and for mortgaging Kabaka’s Lubiri to dubious Ugandan and foreign investors.

But probably the most dangerous aspect of Mr. Museveni’s 2 year anti Buganda campaign is his use of government resources to build anti-Buganda feelings, even hatred, among other Uganda communities. For about 5 years he has used Mukasa Muruli, Atwooki Kasirivu, Kahinda Otafiire, David Tinyefuza,  Ofwono Opondo and other agents to fan hatred, which, if ignored could lead anti-Baganda genocide. He has created artificial kingdoms within Buganda to undermine Kabaka Mutebi. And more recently, he seems to be constructing a Bunyoro-Busoga-Ankole axis to fight Buganda (See “Some Basoga Scared of Museveni’s Cows“).

So, the question is, could Mr. Museveni’s 2 year campaign to demonize Baganda and make them vulnerable to genocidal attacks have a positive side?  The answer is, yes. First, and most important, Kabaka Mutebi can no longer be misled by compromised officials at Mmengo that Mr. Museveni loves Buganda, as it happened with Regional Tier deal. Second, tens of thousands of Baganda youth who now have little else to lose are now fully committed to protecting Buganda. And the more intelligent among Baganda in the diaspora are also fired up to invest in the future of their motherland.

Thanks to Mr. Museveni’s relentless effort to push Buganda against the wall it is also now evident that Baganda, starting with those living overseas, are starting to define their own agenda for the future. And this agenda is no longer about Federo, LC 5 or Regional Tier. It is about fundamental human rights for to self-determination.

This columnist argues that without Mr. Museveni’s intense 2 year campaign against Buganda, historical milestones like the massive Bulange demonstrations against the arrest of Nambooze, Mayiga and Lubega or the resolutions passed by Baganda at Ttabamiruka ’08 would not have come to pass.  Born out of Mr. Museveni’s program to destroy Buganda is the new Muganda: bold, fed up, loyal to Kabaka, proud of clan and ready to accept nothing but freedom to self-determination. This Muganda is walking around in Kampala, Masaka and Nagalama by the thousands. And the same Muganda recently attended Ttabamiruka ’08 by the hundreds and resolved that Baganda must never beg for anything from Mr. Museveni again. Sounds like a positive side to me.

Over one year ago, Uganda MP for Makindye and one of Buganda’s best political thinkers challenged the people of occupied Buganda to think about the concept of a legal “divorce” from Uganda. He cited, among other reasons, the marginalization of Buganda and the endemic corruption that has been institutionalized by President Museveni’s government as reasons for Buganda to consider divorce. Predictably, anti-Buganda forces attacked Kyanjo for his opinion and, like a bully, Mr. Museveni’s government dangled the “treason stick” in front of him.

Since Kyanjo’s simple observations, the political and economic fundamentals of Uganda have further deteriorated. And one dangerous trend that has outraged Kabaka Mutebi and his subjects is the selective persecution and vilification of Baganda by Mr. Museveni’s government. For example, it is on public record that President Museveni authorized the illegal abduction of Betty Nambooze, Peter Mayiga and Medard Lubega allegedly because they were engaging in politics while working for a cultural institution, the Buganda Kingdom. Yet the same Mr. Museveni a few days later went to Bunyoro and publicly praised the Kingdom of Bunyoro and its officials for agreeing with and cooperating with the NRM and its politics.

This trend is dangerous because recent cases of genocide in Rwanda, Serbia and Dafur were all  preceded by hatred campaigns against the intended victims. And there is no doubt that Mr. Museveni’s anti-Baganda campaign is taking root. Betty Kamya, a Muganda senior member of the opposition Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) and other Baganda have been publicly ridiculed by the party leadership for lobbying that a Muganda assume the position of Chairman. Even in the Democratic Party leadership wrangles, the anti-Ganda rhetoric by non-Baganda is explicit and often hateful.

Back to Kyanjo and his divorce thing. If one could use the metaphor of a wealthy young lady who got married to an ill mannered and abusive man then Buganda would be that woman. She is endowed with beauty, intelligence, wealth and fertility but she has the terrible misfortune of living in a village of jealous and brutal men. Boy friend Milton Obote came from Lango and abused Buganda and her wealthy family; even exiled her father. Then Idi Amin came to the rescue and gave Buganda gifts, including returning her father’s remains home for burial, before starting to rape her violently. Nine years later, what appeared to be a band of hooligans forced Buganda to take back Obote, claiming that he was better than Amin. It would not last, as Obote quickly became worse than his old self. Buganda was desperate. This explains why she so much embraced Yoweri Museveni who guided her to fight off Obote and his gang.

There is a multitude of stories about where Yoweri Museveni came from. And he adds to the confusion when, in his book, The Mustard Seed, he states that the exact year and place of his birth is unknown. Yet he claims that his mother, whose birth date is known, was a school teacher at the time of his birth. What kind of school teacher around 1940 would not remember the year or place where she gave birth to her son? But I am digressing. In our metaphor, Museveni would now be Buganda’s current boyfriend, and the only one she has ever fallen in love with. He is the one who taught her that it is OK to fight abusive men. However, Buganda now hears rumors that, frequently in the 1980s it was him who would waylay her in the dark, violate her and, next morning, convincingly claim that Obote had done the rape. Museveni constantly threatens Buganda with beatings when she demands for her legal property or asks that she be free to live in her own Federo room. Indeed, he routinely “imports” scores of tall and wide hipped women to take up Buganda’s bedroom space.

Where we are today would be equivalent to boyfriend Museveni promoting hatred for Buganda across the whole village. When Buganda demands her property and human rights he commands, “You are a woman, so you must never discuss freedom or property!” Then after spending time with a lady of the night, he touts her as a very “talented and smart woman because you agree with me on the issue of women’s freedom and property”. The danger is that all Museveni’s current other girlfriends are now following his lead to bash Buganda, accusing her of arrogance and selfishness and threatening her with violence or death. They even calling her a witch, knowing very well that witches are frequently stoned dead under Museveni’s rule.

Staying with the divorce thing. One of the trademarks of abused women is denial. Most women who are murdered by dangerous boyfriends are first warned by friends and family to “leave the man!”. However, fear of the unknown often holds them back and gives them something called the Stockholm Syndrome (where they even start defending their abuser). Yet, domestic violence experts in Africa agree that the smartest thing to do when faced with an abusive, thieving and violent boyfriend, with a colorful murder record, is to run to FIDA and seek protection.

The current trend points in only one direction, increased vilification of and violence against Buganda, and the typical destination is murder or genocide. Sister Buganda, it may be the time to stop the denial, ignore those baseless “You cannot survive alone” threats from people who live off your inheritance, and run to FIDA (the world community) for protection.

Below, this columnist shares one example of the anti-Gandaism that is rampant on the UNAA network. In the message below, one Engineer David Basobokwe (dbasobokwe@yahoo.co.uk) demonstrates the type of anti-Ganda rhetoric that Baganda who lead UNAA will happily live with, in exchange for Mr. Museveni’s money. Note that this man, if this is his true name, lives in Kampala, Buganda.

This columnist argues that Baganda, starting with Katikkiro Walusimbi, must realize that no type of appeasement or negotiations can deal with the type of hatred expressed by Engineer David Basobokwe against Baganda. And it is the hatred that is responsible for the land grabbing in Buganda, impoverishment of Baganda and other targeted anti-Buganda programs. These Basobokwe types  must be isolated and fully exposed for what they are.

From: David Basobokwe
To: Oryema Johnson
Cc: ugandans-at-heart@googlegroups.com ; northernlightnet@yahoogroups.com ; mulindwa@look.ca ; north south
Sent: Sunday, August 10, 2008 2:05 PM
Subject: Baganda Nonsense.

Eng.David Basobokwe
 
Kampala.

On January 27, 2008, Sekanyolya requested Katikkiro Walusimbi to "drop" Gilbert Bukenya and start to lead. This was when newly appointed Walusimbi had jointly appeared at ceremonies with Museveni’s Vice President Bukenya, where he publically advocated for negotiations between Kabaka Mutebi and Mr. Museveni. The events that have unfolded in Buganda over the last ten days seem to confirm that Sekanyolya’s legal advisor was corrrect after all when he said "“I know J B well but we must wait before we can say whether he has the guts and strategic skills to match even 50% of Muliika." Sekanyola’s full posting of January 27, 2008 is reproduced below:

Katikkiro Walusimbi Urged To Drop Bukenya And Start Leading

The word on Ganda Street is that, based on first impressions, Katikkiro J B Walusimbi needs to change gears fast if he is to allay Baganda’s fears that he might too politically naïve to deal with the extermination war that Museveni is waging against Buganda. One Makerere Nkoba za Mbogo student echoed the feelings of most in Sekanyolya’s favorite Nakulabye joint when he said, “The problem with Walusimbi is that he does not understand that images matter. It was a disgrace that, he chose to announce his new plans for Buganda in the company of Gilbert Bukenya, a Museveni boot licker. Bukenya represents the most negative things about Baganda and has no use for us 80% of Baganda who are younger than 30 years, poor, unemployed, being chased off their land, and helpless.” Sekanyolya’s Kampala legal consultant, who is a fixture in the Nakulabye joint, went as far as accusing Sekanyolya of misleading Baganda that Walusimbi will not disappoint them as Katikkiro (See “Kabaka Appoints Highly Credible Muganda Katikkiro and Brings Muliika Back to Mmengo”. He said, “I know J B well but we must wait before we can say whether he has the guts and strategic skills to match even 50% of Muliika. The only major things that Walusimbi has done so far is say that he wants Baganda to stop talking and start working but he also wants to negotiate with Museveni. Is he trying to tell Baganda that he is the only one allowed to talk – with Bukenya and Museveni – the way Katende, Mulwaanyamuli, Mayiga and Makubuya did? If I could, I would urge J B to shift gears away from Mmengo’s old focus on Museveni and his men. If he wants Baganda to work then he must first assure them that he is a solid leader capable of resisting Museveni’s conspiracies. But he cannot do that when his favorite hobby is hanging out with Museveni’s Bukenya, schoolmate and fellow Catholic or not.”

Territory under the authority and effective control of a belligerent armed force. The term is not applicable to territory being administered pursuant to peace terms, treaty, or other agreement, express or implied, with the civil authority of the territory.

We argue that even a casual but sober review of Uganda’s political history should lead to the conclusion that the aggrieved people of Buganda, under their Kabaka (king) have a case to declare their nation an occupied territory under the authority of a belligerent armed force.

• Fact: Buganda has internationally recognizable boundaries that in 1967 were not in dispute by any of her neighbors (Tanzania, Busoga, Bunyoro, Ankole, Tooro and Lango).
• Fact: The natives of Buganda constitute a distinguishable nation, with distinct cultural practices, national language and customary laws that developed over more than 500 years ago.
• Fact: In 1962 the civil government of Buganda, headed by Kabaka of Buganda, entered a legal agreement (Uganda Constitution of 1966) with other nations and populations in colonial Uganda to federate and gain independence as a single country.
• Fact: In 1966 Prime Minister Obote and his supporters, without consulting Buganda’s civil government or population, illegally overthrew the Uganda Constitution with the use of armed forces. The then Kabaka, Muteesa Walugembe, was exiled to the UK where he died under suspicious circumstances.
• Fact: Between 1966 and 1986 various warlords, including Obote, Idi Amin and Museveni captured Uganda state power through the violent and illegal use of arms.
•  Fact: After Yoweri Museveni captured power by the force of arms in 1986 he organized an exercise to develop a new national constitution that would return the governance of Uganda to a legal status. The flagship activity of the constitution making exercise was the independednt Odoki Commission (leg by Justice Odoki) which collected information that would be properly address the aspirations of all the people in Uganda.
• Fact: According to the “Odoki Report”, over 90% of the people of Buganda explicitly demanded that they be governed under federal form of government which prevailed before the overthrow of the 1966 Uganda constitution.
• Fact: Museveni, Bidandi-Ssali and their supporters illegally (under natural law) broke the terms of the constitution making process and administratively invalidated the demands of the people of Buganda and introduced an experimental substitute that they dubiously name “decentralization”.
• Fact: Since 1986 has, through decrees and targeted laws, constructed a legal system that is selectively punitive to Buganda, her people and her civil leadership, the Kabaka institution. One example is the currency reform decree which devalued the Uganda Shilling by 90% in an environment where Baganda held over 60% of all cash wealth in Uganda. Another example is the 1998 Land Act which set “mailo” land rent (nearly exclusivel found in Buganda) to less than 1$ (US) regardless of size and freely gave away Buganda’s 9,000 square miles customary lands but not those of other nationalities.
• Fact: Museveni, Tinyefunza and their accomplices have issued numerous public statements over radio in newspapers threatening to “destroy” elements of Buganda’s civil leaders, calling Buganda leaders “hyenas”, reminding Baganda that “you don’t have the guns”, telling Kabaka Mutebi to fire Buganda leaders “who don’t agree with Government” and even reminding Baganda of the “1966 crisis” when the 1962 constitution was overthrown.
•  Fact: Buganda’s civil leaders (Kabaka’s Government), with overwhelming support, are only demanding that Museveni and his supporters stop the injustices again the people of Buganda – return the 9,000 square miles and other properties and restore the only form of governance that Buganda has ever willing accepted (federal).

Over the weekend of July 19, 2008 the people of Buganda held a national conference (Lukiiko Ttabamiruka) to discuss the issues of land, poverty and governance which confront them. The Uganda government seems to have underestimated the conference until, on July 18, 2008, one Buganda official, Lubega Ssegona, eloquently’s spoke about its expected results in front of Government agents.

Unexpectedly powerful speeches by Kabaka Mutebi, his wife Nnabagereka Nagginda and others seem to have created virtual panic among Government officials and their Baganda collaborators, resulting in one of the most ill conceived political decisions by Museveni since he came to power. The government arrested Betty Nambooze, Peter Mayiga and Lubega Ssegona (detainded just before the meeting) to preempt further political damage. And in the process handed Baganda nationalists the strongest case so far that the Uganda government considers any expression of Buganda nationalism as a crime. Evidence that Buganda is all but occupied by a belligerent force that will not tolerate and use force against the national aspirations of the native population. Isn’t Buganda under armed occupation?