Following the pattern of most dictator regimes coming to an end, Museveni and his collaborators in the armed occupation of Buganda are starting to behave like grasshoppers. Getting increasing paranoid, Museveni has become ruthless in dealing with real and imagined enemies. From Betty Nambooze to Kabaka Mutebi, he is willing to be reckless in the name of survival. And like grasshoppers, the NRM top brass are now so sacred that they are starting to cannibalize each other. This is what happened in the 1970’s as Amin’s Nubians and Kakwas started to fear their own shadows.

During the last 7 days alone, three key figures in the NRM system have escaped death or been killed in what most analysts agree to be, at best, highly suspicious circumstances. The architecture of the NRM occupation of Buganda through the arbitrary decentralization system, Jaberi Bidandi Ssali, narrowly escaped death when a speeding motorcycle ran his vehicle off the road in Bunyoro. Mysteriously, the motorcycle rider and his bike both disappeared. The police commander in the area, a Munyankore named Tumusiime, insisted that although they believed that there had been an accident, they could not do anything because all the important evidence had been carefully removed. A shaken Bidandi Ssali told the local press that he was sure that some people had tried to kill him.

The same Saturday, Brian Bukenya, the son of one of Museveni’s key collaborators in the NRM occupation of Buganda, vice president Gilbert Bukenya, dies in a freak. Brian Bukenya graduated in Law from the United Kingdom before joining the Uganda occupation army (UPDF) under pressure from his father. According to sources, the vice president who is obsessed with replacing Museveni if a chance arises, wanted his son to be in the army to emulate the president’s Muhoozi Kainerugaba. Although Museveni feigned approval, a source close to state house tell us that no one in Museveni’s akazu (secret Balaalo kitchen cabinet) was amused. Key akazu figures like Salim Saleh, Jovia Saleh, Janet Kataha Museveni, Muhoozi Kainerugaba, David Tinyefuza and Sam Kuteesa all saw Bukenya’s move as a challenge. The source adds that, although it is difficult to pin down the culprits, once Brian Bukenya and his father made clear that they were bent on getting him in the Sandhurst Military Academy, his fate was sealed.

Brian Bukenya, who was reportedly born out of an adulterous relationship that Bukenya had with a friend’s wife, died when the vehicle in which he was travelling from Kabamba to Kampala overturned.  Mysteriously, the driver, who survived, told police that after the accident he became unconscious and does not know how he got from the accident scene to his sister’s house in Kibuli, an hour’s drive away. The driver, Nathan Lwanga, also insists that he was speeding because the deceased, Brian Bukenya, told him to do so.

And on Tuesday, another major contributor to the NRM armed occupation of Buganda, Maj. Gen. James Kazini died in another bizarre case. According to the Uganda occupation police force, led by Rwandese Karyekezi Kayihura, Kazini was killed by his girlfriend who struck him with an iron bar. However, Brig. Elly Kayanja one of Museveni’s most ruthless security operators insists that the story is suspect. According to our source in the Uganda’s porous security community, Kazini’s confessed killer is an ISO operative. Kayanja headed ISO about 10 years ago before he went on to form the notorious Operation Wembley.

What remains unclear is the strength of Museveni’s hand in any of the three high profile deaths of NRM diehards.  Either way, the writing appears to be on the wall. The NRM occupation army is starting to eat its own limbs, beginning with Brian Bukenya and James Kazini. And Bidandi Ssali now has a new job – watching his back. Brig. Elly Kayanja confirmed that the grasshopper syndrome has taken root when told the Uganda local press that he advises all army officers, especially senior ones, to move with their pistols on the ready.

Four loyal subjects of Kabaka Muwenda Mutebi of Buganda have taken the NRM Buganda occupation government to its own constitutional court, requesting the jurists to rule the blocking of the Kabaka’s visit to Bugerere county unconstitutional. The petitioners are Omutaka Edward Kamya Lugonvu who is the Katikkiro of Mamba clan, Omutaka Dr Adam Kimala, also an elder in the Mamba clan together with Charles Ssenkungu Walugendo and Ms Sayida Najjuka who are both residents of Bugerere county (Bagerere).

On behalf of the their clients Balikuddembe and Co Advocates and Godfrey Lule Legal Consultants, petitioned the Uganda constitutional court to rule that in barring the Kabaka and his Katikkiro Eng. John Baptist Walusimbi from visiting Kayunga in Bugerere County on September 12, the government contravened various provisions of the Constitution, including Article 21 which outlaws discriminatory acts.

Dr. Adam Kimala is a leading Muganda conservative intellectual. He and his lawyer, Godfrey Lule, were among the closest supporters and advisors to former Katikkiro Daniel Muliika as he (Muliika) taught Mmengo and Buganda how to “wake up” and resist the occupation.

Omulongo Kamya submitted an affidavit t stating that, among other things, while the Baganda, including those in the Diaspora are not compelled to pay allegiance to the Kabaka in any way, loyalty is rendered on their “own free will” and to prevent the kingdom’s people from associating in their diverse cultural norms “violates” their constitutional right to freedom of association.

The Attorney General of the NRM occupation government, Kiddu Makubuya, has up to 14 days within which to formally respond to the petition.

The current Uganda constitution was enacted in 1995 against the wishes of Baganda, the most influential and wealthiest of Uganda’s many ethnic groups. According to the Odoki Commission which surveyed Ugandans for input into the  new constitution, 90% of Buganda residents demanded federal form of government.  However, with support from Norway, Denmark and Sweden, Museveni’s NRM froced an arbitrary “decentralization form of government” into the constitution . Despite heavy promotion by Museveni co-conspirator at the time, Jaberi Bidandi Ssali, Baganda rejected Museveni’s decentralization and immediately started to agitate for the federal (federo) constitution. It is the 10 years of Buganda agitation for federo and Museveni’s brutal response that led to the huge demonstrations of September 10-11, 2009 and Museveni’s massacre of 30 Baganda. Over 65% of Uganda’s armed forces are now stationed in Buganda, 20% of the size, which puts the kingdom under armed occupation by the NRM government and its Banyankore, Bakiga, Banyarwanda and other collaborators.

Buganda political rights firebrand and Uganda MP for Lubaga North has warned of disaster if President Museveni’s government takes over the Kampala City administration. In a press statement she released on Sunday 5, 2009, Ms. Beti Kamya debunked the government’s claims that the city council should be replaced by a government minister because the city is too dirty for the Uganda’s national image.

Kamya challenges Mr. Museveni to provide a single piece of evidence that Uganda government is capable of maintaining any major institution. She cites the dilapidated national hospitals, schools and training colleges as a basis to question why taxpayers should have any hope that Mr. Museveni’s government will do a better job looking after Kampala than the city council.

As to why Kampala is in a mess Kamya says (in Luganda): “I believe that the primary reason why Kampala city is in a crisis is underfunding by government. For example, Kampala has a population of about 3M people but last year it received government aid of only 25 billion shillings (US$12.5M). By comparison, Bushenyi district [located in Museveni’s ethnic homeland of Ankore] has a population of 800,000 but it received 27 billion shilling (US$13.5M), which is more than Kampala’s.”

Kampala is the business and commercial capital of Uganda and is located in Kyadondo county of the Buganda kingdom. Kampala is the home of the official and private palaces of the Kabaka (king equivalent) of Buganda. And Mmengo, a suburb of the city, is the seat of the Kabaka’s government. The conference which wrote Uganda’s latest constitution in 1995 voted to designate Kampala as “outside Buganda”, a move which was strongly opposed by the natives of the city and an overwhelming majority of Buganda residents. To many Baganda the “majority rules” decision by the natives of other regions of Uganda has been regarded as forceful occupation. Since 1995, the democratically elected Kampala City Council has been dominated by Baganda, who get more votes.  Then just over a year ago Mr. Museveni declared the city council incompetent and ordered the drafting a new law which turns the administration of Kampala over to government and extends its size into Buganda native lands by more than twice. A move which many Baganda view as another sign that Mr. Museveni and his supporters are determined to destroy Buganda.

According to Transparency International, Uganda is one of most corrupt countries in the world. Over the weekend a top Western diplomat in Uganda said on a local broadcast program that the donors are frustrated by the fact that the aid they give is intended for the masses but ends in the hands of a few at the top. He gave notice that the some donors are re-evaluating its aid policy in Uganda, in light of the global economic and the high rate of corruption. At least 5 immediate members of Mr. Museveni’s family are also members of this administration. Notably, his wife Janet is Minister for Karamoja where Uganda’s main gold deposits are located, his half-brother Salim Saleh is Presidential Advisor on security and his son Muhoozi Kainerugaba is commander of the army’s special forces.