President Museveni’s propaganda team were wise to bar all Uganda TV stations from broadcasting the proceedings at the NRM’s independence day celebrations on October 9, 2009 at Kololo Airstrip.  That is because, this year’s ceremony saw the smallest crowd of ordinary Ugandans in the 47 years since the British granted independence to Uganda on October 9, 2009. Leaving out the many security or government officials and about 60 boda boda’s, approximately 900 ordinary people attended. Notably, even with this small crowd, the majority wore yellow NRM party tee shirts which were given out free in poor areas to entice people to come to the event.

Conspicuously absent were foreign dignitaries from Libya and neighboring countries. Even the so called cultural leaders, who Museveni supports financially, stayed home – Omukama of Toro, Omukama of Bunyoro, Kyabazinga of Busoga, Omorimor of Teso and Rwot of Acholi. The only non-government VIPs present were a few diplomats accredited to Uganda, junior officials from Kenya, Tanzania and Southern Sudan plus Mr. Museveni’s own Ssabaluri Mwogeza Butamanya (coincidentally, it literally translates to  ”the one who speaks with ignorance”) and Sabanyala Kimeze.

State House Panic and Propaganda Plan

On October 7, 2009, Mr. Museveni’s statehouse received reliable information that over 10,000 people had greeted Kabaka Mutebi in Mityana (Ssingo county), on his way to the Buganda independence event in Mubende, Buwekula county. They knew right away that Kabaka’s crowds could embarrass Museveni at the Uganda independence celebrations on the 9th. So, they turned their attention to controlling the news about Kabaka Mutebi’s activities.

According to our sources in Mr. Meseveni’s ISO, the plan which was hatched by Tamale Mirundi, Robert Kobushenga, Kabakumba Matsiko and a certain Mafabi included 5 main elements: (a) Minimize the crowd in any pictures of Kabaka Mutebi’s crowds if shown in government newspapers. (b) Use physical barriers to force the crowd at Kololo into a relatively small but longish area just below Upper Kololo Terrace road so that the numbers can look big in photos taken from a low angle; (c) Have Mr. Museveni enter the ceremonies through the crowd area, so that we can take photos showing many people around the president, (d) force all major media outlets to broadcast the events at Kololo, using a single audio/video feed from the government’s Uganda Broadcasting Corporation (UBC), and (e) strengthen enforcement of the rules which Godfrey Mutabazi had placed on radio stations, barring any praise of Kabaka or Buganda.

The Monitor Does Not Cooperate

On October 8 and 9, New Vision and Bukedde reported on Kabaka’s tour of Buwekula but omitted any mention of Buganda Independence celebrations, only referring to bulungi bwa nsi (national service) but without translating it to English. Also, they have avoided any picture which show the huge crowds that the Kabaka attracted in Mubende or Mityana. The crowd at the main Mubende celebrations was approximately 25,000 people.

In a sign that the Aga Khan’s The Monitor newspaper editors may be starting to rethink their anti-Buganda sentiments, they defied Museveni and published a photo showing Kabaka Mutebi with thousands of his subjects jubilating around him. Furthermore, they published parts of the Kabaka’s tough “47 Years Wasted” speech, although with incorrect translation in some parts (see “Kabaka Mutebi Disowns Katikkiro’s Apologetic Tone“).

Ghost NRM Independence Day Celebrations

On October 9, Mr. Museveni’s worst fears came to pass. Despite the efforts of his propaganda people, the 900 or so crowd was to small for anyone to ignore. However, state house forced WBS TV, NTV, and NBS to suspend regularly scheduled programming and transmit the UBC TV feed from Kololo live for over 5 hours. And the UBC camera were continuously glued on the marching troops and the VIPs, skipping the miserable crowd. And in a sign that Museveni is losing confidence, he gave his shortest independence day speech ever even though the event lasted from 10:00AM to 3:30 AM.

Uncharacteristically, Museveni read his independence day speech strictly from the script, without any of his trademark long strays to abuse or threaten Baganda, aid donors and others. Also, although he had been fully briefed about Kabaka Mutebi’s statement that Buganda has gained nothing out of 47 years of independence, the Uganda warlord did not mention the subject at all (see “Kabaka Mutebi Disowns Katikkiro’s Apologetic Tone“).

Museveni’s speech included nothing he has not said over the last few years.

• He boasted of his record on education and raised eyebrows when he interpreted the rampant unemployment in Uganda as a sign of his successes, saying: “We no longer have to be frustrated by these people who don’t want to work. You find a problem person somewhere, you act, get rid of that person and get another one because they are many here now.”
• He pledged, as he has done numerous since 1986, that he will fight corruption. But immediately warned that the war on corruption, which is now much worse now than in 1986, will not be won overnight but through a protracted struggle. This time, he spared judges and the police and blamed accountants, auditors and accounting officers for the persistent corruption. However, he promised his outwardly bored audience that he has new army of young “clean” accountants and auditor to lead the war on graft. He did not mention where the got their education or earned their professional experience.
• He made the “obvious” observation that recent oil discoveries would increase self-reliance and make Uganda less dependent on foreign aid.
• Mr. Museveni (once again) revealed that problem of theft of drugs is a serious problem in the health sector. He did not mention the status of the corruption charges against his ministers and NRM stalwarts Michael Mukula and Jim Muwhezi.

Museveni’s Colonel’s on Empty Stomachs

The otherwise dull event could not end without typical Ugandan breakdown. The man in charge of the parade at the very long ceremonies, UPDF’s Col. Peter Ekweru, fainted and fell on his face due to hunger and exhaustion. Sources could not confirm how a whole colonel could command an important national parade on a empty stomach.

Over the last two weeks, the chairman of president Museveni’s Uganda Broadcasting Council (UBC) has had a chats with virtually all major radio station owners and ordered them to adhere to certain “profession practices” or face closure like CBS FM Radio (Radio ya Ssabasajja). We have learnt that Mr. Mutabazi did not seek input several members of  the broadcast council and mostly depended on talking points which he put together with assistance from Robert Kabushenga, Tamale Mirundi, Robert Sebunya and Moses Byaruhanga.  His method of work angered some members of the UBC who feel abused and marginalized by state house. It is through these conditions that we received the information in Mutabazi’s talking points.

Our sources have also confirmed that president Museveni approved the measures and their ongoing implementation before he left for the UN general assembly in the USA. And after his encounter with Kabaka on Wednesday, he ordered that the measures be continued, a sign that the meeting with Kabaka did not change anything for him.

According to our sources, Godfrey Mutabazi obtained partial college education in North America before returning home in the early 1990’s to work in Museveni spy network. In 1998, he was appointed to the Uganda Broadcasting Council. He became the chairman around 2003 and started calling himself Engineer Mutabazi. He is highly secretive and ordered that information on UBC members, even names, be removed from the UBC website. Members terms are 3 years but he has been automatically reappointed 4 times.

Both Mutabazi, who implemented the closure of CBS FM Radio and General Kalyekezi Kayihura, the police commander who stopped Kabaka from going to Kayunga are Rwandese Tutsi who came to Uganda as refugees. This fact plus persistent but unconfirmed rumors that president Museveni’s unknown biological father was a Tutsi is feeding the growing belief among Baganda that their kingdom is under occupation by foreign mercenaries.

Uganda has 129 radio stations and 7 TV stations in different states of operation. The biggest broadcasting houses, of which CBS FM Radio has been the market leader for over 10 years, are mostly owned by Baganda. Their leadership significantly depended on their higher coverage of Buganda kingdom events and people, especially the Kabaka.

Besides Mutabazi, the other current UBC member are Tim Lwanga Mutekanga, George Omunyokol, Aggrey Kibenge, Kenneth Kazooba, Aga Sekalala, Kagole Kivumbi, Juliana Naumo, Godfrey Kibuuka, Patrick Mukiibi and Catherine Omaswa.

Below is an edited and reorganize version of Mutabazi’s talking points. Certain names, offices and other details have been removed or reworded to protect our sources.

UBC RULES OF THE ROAD TO BROADCASTERS

-TALKING POINTS -

(HIGHLY CONFIDENTIAL)

Kabaka

1.  Stop calling him “His Majesty”; instead use “His Highness” not to contradict the President and other NRM officials.

2.  Use “Mr. Mutebi” instead of “Kabaka” as much as possible. Start slowly and build up.

3.  Stop using the terms “Empologoma”, “Chuchu”, “Nyanja Temanyiirwa”, “Baffe”, “Namunswa” or other terms, which encourage Buganda sectarianism.

4.  Avoid stories that portray him as a strong person who is influenced by moderates and NRM supporters.

5.  Promote stories that portray him as a weak person who is under pressure from a few radical Baganda.

6.  Promote stories and images that suggest that he has a friendly relationship with H.E. the VP.

Buganda

1.  Stop playing the “Kitibwa kya Buganda” song or other nationalistic Buganda songs because they promote sectarianism.

2.  Stop referring to Buganda as a kingdom. Instead, consistently use “Central Region” or, if clarity demands it, “Buganda Region”.

3.  Stop referring to the old Buganda counties. Stick to district and constituency names (even if they include old county names in part).

4.  Freely report all stories where the Katikkiro and members of his cabinet are promoting peace, hard work, friendly relations with other Ugandans and “fair treatment” from the H. E. the President.

5.  Avoid stories that include strong pro-Buganda statements by religious leaders. Promote stories where religious leaders call for calm

6.  Don’t use the words “genocide” or “occupation” or “torture” or “safe house” or similar words in connection with any arrests of Baganda for any reasons.

7.  Refer to Banyala as an ethnic minority which is fighting to secede from Buganda. Stop mentioning the population of Banyala.

8.  Do not promote Baganda only events like clan football matches, cultural competitions, Nkoba za Mbogo, etc.

Buganda Radicals and Rioters

1.  Stop reporting stories on the activities of Allan Waligo, Nambooze, Sseggona, Muliika, Nsubuga Nsambu, Mpanga, Nkoba za Mbogo, and other Baganda radicals. The exception is when the story suggests that they are becoming weak and trying to incite violence against non Baganda.

2.  Keep reporting on police cases against Nambooze, Lukwago and other similar anti-government activists to a minimum.

3.  Do not use the term “political prisoners” to refer to any of the rioters.

4.  Avoid referring to the those who participated in the Kayunga related rioting as “Baganda” since some of them were not Baganda. The rioters were common criminals and a few anti-government elements who exploited the situation to loot.

5. When it make sense you can refer to the radicals who incite violence or those who engage in riots as “terrorists”

Mengo

1.  Stop reporting stories on the activities of Waliggo, Nambooze, Sseggona, Muliika, Nsubuga Nsambu, Nkoba za Mbogo, and other Baganda radicals. The exception is when the story suggests that they are becoming weak and cannot incite Baganda sectarianism.

2.  Keep reporting on police cases against Nambooze, Lukwago and other similar anti-government activists to a minimum.

3.  Avoid using terms like “Buganda Government” or “Buganda Kingdom Government”.

4.  Report positively on the Katikiro and other Mengo people who don’t make outwardly sectarian statement.

5.  Report positively on health, agriculture, education and other developmental program by Mengo.

6. Avoid using the “Owekitibwa” title becuase it can cause misplaced feeling of importance.

PRESS RELEASE

Uganda: Troops Killed Unarmed People in Riot Period
No Lethal Force Necessary in at Least 13 Fatal Shootings

(Kampala, October 1, 2009) – The Ugandan government should immediately order an independent investigation into the killing of unarmed persons during and after riots in Kampala on September 10 and 11, 2009, Human Rights Watch said today.

A Human Rights Watch investigation found that at least 13 people were shot by government forces in situations where lethal force was unnecessary. The Minister of Internal Affairs reported to parliament that 27 people had died during the riots and that seven were uninvolved in riot activity.

“Shooting in self defense is one thing, but we found that some soldiers shot at bystanders and shot through locked doors,” said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The government needs to put an impartial investigation in motion now.”

The riots in Kampala, Uganda’s capital, began on September 10, when police blocked a delegation representing the Buganda kingdom from visiting Kayunga district. The cultural king of Buganda, known as the kabaka, was planning to visit Kayunga for National Youth Day two days later. The visit was opposed by leaders of the Banyala ethnic group in Kayunga, who reject the kabaka’s authority. The kabaka’s supporters took to the streets to protest the police action, and violence began soon afterward.

Sources at Kampala’s main hospital, Mulago, indicate that 88 victims of the violence were admitted for treatment over this period, most for gunshot wounds. Victims were taken to other hospitals as well. According to the minister of internal affairs, at least 846 people were arrested for alleged crimes committed during the riots, and the arrests continue. At least 24 of the alleged rioters have been charged with terrorism for destroying government property, and many others have been charged with unlawful assembly and inciting violence.

During and after the unrest, Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 50 victims and their family members, witnesses, doctors, and local and senior government officials. On-the-ground research was conducted into the circumstances surrounding the violence in the Kampala neighborhoods of Nateete, Kasubi, Busega, Ndeeba, Bwaise, Bunga, the Salaama Road at Nakinyuguzi zone, and in Mpigi town.

Human Rights Watch investigated several fatal and non-fatal shootings by security forces on September 10 and 11 that raise serious questions about the level of force employed in response to the riots. In a number of cases throughout the city, there is strong evidence that security forces shot individuals who were not threatening them or others.

This challenges statements by some government officials that live ammunition was only fired into the air to clear the streets of protesters.

However, President Yoweri Museveni, addressing parliament on September 10, after the riots broke out, contended that “initially police acted slowly” in response to the unrest. “Looters,” he said, “will be shot on sight, as will those who attack civilians.”

Human Rights Watch said that investigations should look into the circumstances of the rioting and into how to improve policing during demonstrations. Thus far, there is no clear evidence to support the contention of some Ugandan government officials that the Kampala riots were organized in advance. The Buganda kingdom government has denied any role in organizing the riots. Some rioters do appear to have employed parallel tactics, such as burning tires to block roads in several areas of the city, especially on the afternoon of September 10.

Human Rights Watch urged the police and other security forces to abide by the United Nations Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials. The principles call upon law enforcement officials, including military units responding to national emergencies, to apply nonviolent means before resorting to the use of force, to use force only in proportion to the seriousness of the offense, and to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable to protect life. The principles also provide that governments shall ensure that arbitrary or abusive use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials is punished as a criminal offense under their law.

“Much of the attention has focused on the politics surrounding recent events,” said Gagnon. “But the real tragedy is that families have lost loved ones in entirely unnecessary circumstances. They deserve to see justice done.”

Violence and the Response

Human Rights Watch found that in the early stages of the demonstrations on September 10, some protesters resorted to violence in some areas of Kampala, burning at least five cars, one passenger bus, and one delivery truck, blocking some main roads with burning tires and debris, looting shops, and throwing rocks at police and members of the armed forces. In Nateete, protesters burned a police station. In Bwaise, a factory was set on fire. No one was reported injured in either fire, and local hospitals did not report any burn victims. Police, some in riot gear, used teargas in several areas of the city.

Uganda’s inspector general of police (IGP), Maj. Gen. Kale Kayihura, told Human Rights Watch that military police and the army’s Presidential Guard Brigade were deployed under his orders to support the police beginning at around 4 p.m. on September 10, and that infantry soldiers were deployed in support shortly thereafter. Kayihura said that these units fired live ammunition into the air to scatter rioters.

Human Rights Watch’s research indicates that the security forces faced some situations in which the use of firearms may have been warranted. One witness described seeing a rioter steal a civilian security guard’s gun near Kampala Bus Park on September 10 and shoot a policeman in the leg. Kayihura provided two other instances, in Nateete and Sseta, where rioters fired on the security forces. It remains unclear if anyone was injured in those two instances, and those events were not investigated by Human Rights Watch.

Kayihura told Human Rights Watch that, while all government forces had been ordered to use minimum force, non-lethal options such as rubber bullets and pepper spray are not standard issue in all police posts. He claimed that the security forces had few alternatives to shooting live ammunition into the air. Other knowledgeable sources in the police told Human Rights Watch that the police stocks of tear gas had run low and that officials feared they lacked the means to secure the city without using firearms.

Where Lethal Force Was Not Necessary

However, among the episodes that raise serious questions about the use of force, in Bwaise on September 10, local people gathered to observe the fire brigade fight a fire set by rioters earlier that afternoon. An army armored personnel carrier drove by the crowd and the troops on board fired, striking Hussein Mujuuka in the back of the head and killing him instantly. At least 10 others were wounded by the gunfire. Several witnesses told Human Rights Watch that local residents responded by burning tires along the Bwaise-Kampala Road. They said that shootings by the military continued during the evening hours in Bwaise and that many other people were wounded. Deaths from military gunfire also occurred the same day in Kawempe, Nakulabye, Mulago, and the Ndeeba areas of Kampala.

Security forces using live ammunition caused many injuries and at least six deaths on September 11. Witnesses and victims told Human Rights Watch that most Kampala communities were trying to return to normal business after the previous day’s unrest. However, soldiers heavily deployed both on foot and in armored personnel carriers in some areas of the city fired live ammunition. There is evidence in some instances that they deliberately shot and killed or wounded people who were not actively involved in demonstrations or unrest.

For example, military units, some accompanied by police forces deployed in Ndeeba that morning, apparently ordered people on the roads to return home. Over several hours, soldiers shot and killed one person and seriously wounded two more. In each case, the victims were shot after they had entered their homes or workplaces. Witnesses said that soldiers apparently pursued people several hundred meters from the main roads and fired their weapons through locked doors. However, no official curfew had been imposed.

Kinaalwa Sseddulaaka Jackson, the owner of a dry cleaning shop about 100 meters from the Masaka road in Tomusange zone, Ndeeba, hid in his back storage room and locked the back door when an army armored personnel carrier entered Ndeeba and soldiers on board began shooting. A few minutes later, a uniformed soldier walked through the area and fired his AK-47 through Sseddulaaka’s back door, killing him instantly. Human Rights Watch researchers saw two bullet holes in that door, as well as five other bullet holes in doors and walls in the neighborhood. All were in the lower half of the doors and walls.

Soldiers and police also deployed around Nateete market that morning, closing the main gate even though the market was filled with food vendors and customers. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that uniformed soldiers, some wearing the red berets of the military police, began to attack people with sticks and batons, and ordered them to clear the streets and return home. Several women selling matoke (plantains) showed Human Rights Watch large contusions and bruises from having been beaten while trying to flee.

The witnesses said that the soldiers then began firing their weapons, both in the air and into the crowds. One customer was killed and another wounded. One female vendor showed Human Rights Watch where she had been grazed by a bullet on her hip, requiring medical treatment. Human Rights Watch saw three bullet holes in the market walls and three others through its iron roof sheeting.

In Busega, an area dense with open-air shops and stalls, soldiers shot and killed two people in separate incidents that morning. Residents and officials reported that on the previous day, rioters in the area had blocked roads with fires and demanded money from those trying to enter Kampala by car. Rioters had looted a Coca Cola truck and burned it. The situation calmed by 7 p.m. that day, and the shops along the road had reopened. Witnesses said the area had remained calm the next morning until a military armored personnel carrier and military and police trucks drove through, in some cases telling people to clear the streets and return home. The shops closed quickly when soldiers in the personnel carrier began firing live bullets, but 13-year-old Daoudi Ssentongo was struck in the head and killed inside his family’s shop when a bullet ripped through a refrigerator next door. His death triggered more demonstrations, and members of the community tried to block the personnel carrier from re-entering the area by burning debris in the road.

Near where the youth died, soldiers on foot chased people away from the main roundabout, evidently to arrest or deter rioters. Soldiers pursued several young men who ran away. Ronald Kasagga, who supplied ice to the area’s fish vendors, was fatally shot in the chest at close range by a soldier. Witnesses said that the soldier yelled “Stop!” and that when Kasagga turned around, the soldier fired.

Around 11 a.m. on September 11 in Kasubi zone 4, rioters had been taunting nearby soldiers and throwing rocks near a gas station on the main road, witnesses said. When the soldiers pursued them, they ran up the hill, past the home of Stella Kabasinguzi, who had left her house briefly, seeking bread for her three children. The soldiers approached her home, and Kabasinguzi immediately raised her hands in the air. A soldier shot her, in front of her children. She died on the way to the hospital. Human Rights Watch observed three bullet holes through doors in other homes in zone 4, more than 100 meters from the main road where riots had occurred. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that a soldier on foot demanded that people go inside their homes, and shot through the doors when some hesitated.

Throughout the city on September 11, soldiers and police threatened and beat people to obtain information about the whereabouts of alleged rioters. A woman making tea outside her restaurant in Ndeeba was questioned by a uniformed soldier carrying an AK-47. According to several people interviewed separately, when she did not have answers to his questions, he poured the hot tea on her back. He then stuck the gun barrel into her mouth and demanded to know where rioters were hiding. She escaped only after bystanders diverted his attention.

Nile Broadcasting Services broadcast video of police and military patrolling areas on September 11, beating people sitting and standing near their homes in Kazo and throwing them into the backs of police trucks. The authorities did not request names or identity documents before arresting them. In one instance, when a man protested being forcibly removed from his home, he was beaten repeatedly. Police took truckloads of suspects to Kawempe police station. Human Rights Watch researchers observed similar actions on Salaama Road that afternoon.

On September 10, government officials told television stations to stop broadcasting live pictures of the violence. In some instances, government forces forcibly removed video footage from TV stations, appropriated journalists’ cameras and videotapes, and deleted photographs of dead bodies. Some journalists were beaten attempting to report on the unfolding events. The state-owned newspaper, The New Vision, inaccurately reported that mobs had on September 11 burned two people to death in Ndeeba. Local officials from Ndeeba and other knowledgeable sources informed Human Rights Watch that no rioters had burned people, but The New Vision has yet to issue corrections.

The Police Explanation

Police Inspector General Kayihura told Human Rights Watch that the police lacked capacity to respond to the speed and geographical breadth of the events of September 10. Unrest in previous years had centered on Kampala’s Central Business District and had not extended into the populous residential neighborhoods. He said that Uganda’s military police, the Presidential Guard Brigade, and regular army units had both the equipment and the mobility to respond to the unrest. He said that the military police, like the civilian police, have had training in riot control, and that the armored personnel carriers were deployed to help move units around the suburbs where riots were taking place. He said the Ugandan military possesses four of these vehicles – two Gila and two Mamba anti-riot vehicles, which can also be used for “fighting terrorism and insurgency.”

Kayihura said that seven of the 27 reported killed during the riots were not involved in the riots at the time of their deaths, and that they were hit by “stray bullets.” He told Human Rights Watch that the deaths were unfortunate and regrettable, but that the security forces had shown restraint in their response to the unrest. He said that two policemen had been arrested for shooting in the air in Kasubi (the arrests appear unrelated to the death of Kabasinguzi). He said that investigations would be conducted into the circumstances of all the deaths during the riots, but also cited section 69 of Uganda’s penal code, which states that police may use “all such force as is reasonably necessary for overcoming” a riot and police “shall not be liable in any criminal or civil proceeding for having, by the use of such force, caused harm or death to any person.”

According to statements quoted in The New Vision newspaper by the army spokesman, Lt. Col. Felix Kulayigye, military units were deployed under article 209(b) of the constitution, which states that the Ugandan People’s Defence Forces shall “cooperate with the civilian authority in emergency situations” and that once deployed, they act under orders of the inspector general of police.” Kulayigye contended that the situation was “a war” and that the riots had had “genocidal tendencies.” He placed blame for the deaths on the alleged organizers of the riots, but admitted that “the moment the bullet leaves the barrel, anything could happen beyond there.”

Human Rights Watch is deeply concerned that Kulayigye’s statement might encourage members of the security forces to use unnecessary and unlawful lethal force during future encounters with demonstrators.

Museveni told an emergency session of parliament on September 15 that the government will compensate those who lost their properties and vehicles, and it will also assist those who lost family members.

Recommendations

Human Rights Watch urged the government of Uganda to take the following actions:

• Publicly acknowledge and condemn recent shootings of unarmed people by members of the security forces.
• Undertake an independent and impartial investigation into the actions of all soldiers and police alleged to have perpetrated human rights abuses during the September riots. Prosecute those against whom there is sufficient evidence in accordance with international fair trial standards.
• Issue clear public instructions to all government forces involved in policing to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable to protect human life.
• Seek out non-lethal options for police and military responding to demonstrations and protests, and ensure those options are standard issue for police stations.

Human Rights Watch urged donors to the Ugandan government, especially members of the Partners for Democracy and Governance Working Group, to take the following actions:

• Publicly express concern about human rights abuses committed by members of the military and police during the September riots.
• Urge government leaders to hold accountable, in accordance with international fair trial standards, members of the security forces implicated in human rights violations.
• Support the police in acquiring non-lethal options for riot response and ensure that relevant personnel from the police and military receive adequate training.

Background

The role of cultural royalty such as the kabaka in Uganda has been the source of debate historically. President Milton Obote outlawed all cultural leaders in 1966, but Museveni permitted them to return in 1995. Under the constitution, cultural leaders are barred from politics, but they still wield influence over their communities. The kabaka is the king of the Baganda people, the largest ethnic group in Uganda and a key constituency in the upcoming 2011 elections. Since independence, some Baganda political leaders have argued that the Buganda kingdom should be a federal state within Uganda.

Accounts from Victims and Witnesses of Shootings during Recent Kampala Riots

“It was 9 a.m. when I was returning from the village where we buried my friend Deo, who was shot and killed in Ndeeba on Thursday during the riots. When I arrived back to town, I saw a group of soldiers and men in civilian clothes with guns and sticks walking along the road. I ran to the other side of the road and to find a place to hide. The soldiers began to hit us with batons and kick us. They were beating other people in the road as well. I ran away and noticed I had a cut on my head from the baton, and I was bleeding. My friend and I went off the main road and hid by locking ourselves into a storage room near a friend’s shop. We heard the soldier’s footsteps and then he yelled, “Open the door!” I said, “But if we come out, you are going to beat us again.” He said, “You think bullets cannot reach you in there?” Then he fired his gun through the door. A bullet hit the inside of my arm and then entered my stomach and I fell down.”
- Gunshot victim in Ndeeba, September 11

“Things were calm in Mpigi that day. We heard about what was happening in Kampala and someone had lit two tires on fire, but the cars could pass. Faisal and I were standing on the veranda. The soldiers came in a government vehicle and started caning people. One soldier came carrying a stick and a gun. He threw the stick at a boy and then got out the gun. He pointed the gun towards us, and then fired at us two times. I ran and hid at a house nearby. And later, someone said that a man was killed. A bit later, I learned it was Faisal. He had been shot in the neck.”
- Witness to killing of Faisal Bukenya, September 10

“On Friday morning, I saw the boys throwing a few rocks at the soldiers, and then the soldiers started shooting in their direction. Eventually the soldiers rounded up a group of boys and held them at the petrol station. The soldiers were forcing the boys to jump up and down as punishment for throwing rocks. When they tried to move the group of unruly boys, some scattered and the military began shooting at them again. The woman with the three children was killed just then.”
- Witness to the killing of Stella Kabasinguzi, September 11

“She was just on the steps of her home on Friday morning. She had gone to collect some bread for the children. When she saw the soldiers, she threw her hands in the air, but he fired right at her and she fell. He was standing just a bit down from her.”
- Another witness to the killing of Stella Kabasinguzi, September 11

“I was here in the market, selling matoke on Friday morning around 8 a.m. Suddenly, the military came in and started beating people, telling everyone to leave the market. Even the security officer for the market was hit by batons from them. They even beat me very hard on the buttocks, while I was trying to run away. Some of them stole the money I had on the ground. Others started shooting into the market and a boy was hit and a man was killed.”
- Witness to killings and shooting in Nateete, September 11

List of fatal shootings investigated by Human Rights Watch
On September 10

1.            Hussein Mujuuka, shot through the eye by military in personnel carrier, in Bwaise

2.            Robert, Congolese national, shot by military near Qualicell Building in Kampala Bus Park

3.            John Bosco Kaagwa, shot in the back by military near Nakulabye trading center

4.            Ssadam Katongole, shot in the chest by the military at “Kubirri” – Mulago roundabout

5.            Deo Lutaaya, shot in Kabuusu by military in personnel carrier, near Petrol City, on Masaka Road

6.            Muganga Huzairu, shot in the abdomen in Nateete; died at Mulago hospital

7.            Faisal Bukenya, shot in the neck by a soldier in Mpigi Town

On September 11

8.            Ronald Kasagga, shot in the chest by military on foot near Busega roundabout

9.            Kinaalwa Sseddulaaka Jackson, killed by military on foot in Tomusange zone, Ndeeba

10.        Mustaifa Basajjabalaba, shot by military in Kitaka zone, Kibazo road, Busega

11.        Daoudi Ssentongo, killed by military in Busega roundabout

12.        Stella Kabasinguzi, killed by military in zone 4, Kasubi

13.        Customer shot by military in Nateete Market

Other deaths:

14.        Kakooza Hussein, beaten by the police in Nakamiro zone, Kazo, on September 11; died on September 17

Other fatal shootings reported in the media:

15.        Unnamed private security guard working for Saracen Security Company

16.        Patrick Kaijamurubi, military police, from Masindi, killed by a stray bullet shot by another military policeman while Kaijamurubi was fixing tire on his vehicle in Ndeeba

17.        Geoffrey Andama, high school student, shot at Shop Rite Supermarket, near the Clock Tower junction

18.        Benjamin Atere, 2 years old, died from gunshot on Mawanda Road in Mulago

19.        Frank Kafuma, sustained gunshot wounds at Nabweru in Kawempe division, died in Mulago

20.        Yawe Wesige Mukama, shot in Kawempe
To view a slide show of photos from the Kampala riots and their aftermath, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/features/uganda-riots

For more Human Rights Watch reporting on Uganda, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/africa/uganda

For more information, please contact:
In New York, Jon Elliott (English, French): +1-917-379-0713 (mobile)
In New York, Georgette Gagnon (English): +1-212-216-1223; or +1-917-535-0375 (mobile)
In Kampala, Maria Burnett (English, French): +256-7

Boston and New York Baganda have announced that they will join to demonstrate against president Yoweri Museveni whose army and secret police are in an armed occupation of the kingdom of Buganda. According to the Baganda activists, their demonstration will take place at the same time that the Ugandan war load will be speaking at the UN General Assembly.

The statement announcing the demonstrations is reproduced below:

GGWANGAMUJJE NY/NJ AND GGWANGAMUJJE BOSTON calling you to attend Wednesday, September 23, 2009 demonstrations at UNITED NATIONS at 1^st Avenue and 47^th Street between 11:00 and 3:00PM. Demonstrations will take place at the same time when he is giving speech at the UNITED NATIONS.

Ggwangamujje Boston are pooling in buses so Ugandans in New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Pennsylvania and Delaware plan in advance to take a day off.

We are demonstrating against Museveni ruthless killing of unarmed civilians by his Military armed forces. The Violation of Human Rights and Freedom of Speech. Museveni’s inciting of tribal crisis (Baganda against Banyala / Banyoro against Bafuruki). The world MUST be informed in advance that ethnic clashes in Africa end up in genocides.

MORE INFORMATION WILL BE SENT OVER THE WEEKEND.

Let Your Voice be Heard.

See Cruel killing on the link below:

http://sites.google.com/site/ugandasbloody999/home and or

http://sites.google.com/site/ugandasbloody999/home/evidence

http://sites.google.com/site/ugandasbloody999/home/evidence

Musajja wa Kabaka Damiano Kigoye, based in In Southern California, has issues a statement announcing a demonstration in Los Angeles against Yoweri Museveni’s terrorist government.  The demonstration is scheduled to take place on Saturday, September 19, 2009, in Los Angeles. Mr. Kigoye’s statement is reproduced below:

Dear Community Members, fellow Baganda, friends of Buganda,

As the United States was remembering the horrors of the 9/11 terror last week, Buganda Kingdom in Uganda was under attack by terrorists with orders to kill unarmed civilians rioting for the well-being of their King and Kingdom from Uganda’s central government!!

These acts of terror under Museveni’s command, various media houses observed, have been long in waiting!!! This was not just a matter between central government and Buganda Kingdom, it was rather a well organized tribal fighting between Buganda and the Banyala incited by Museveni’s government.

To the ordinary Muganda and Ugandan; you and I, this was a wake up call for Unity in preparation for what tomorrow might bring. The mad man is still at large. The world MUST be informed in advance that ethnic clashes in Africa end up in genocides.

The equipments and weapons that were used on civilians last week are just a hint that the mad dogs are ready to do whatever it takes to cleanse Buganda!

Though some Baganda (NRM MPs) have indicated their extremism by supporting Museveni as opposed to their King and Kingdom, the rest of us MUST come together in the fight for our Kingdom.

The peaceful demonstrations organized in almost every location where Baganda resides worldwide is a true sign of Unity for Buganda and Uganda as well.

We therefore call upon every Muganda and all friends of Baganda and Buganda to participate in these demonstrations so that we can send a clear message to the world that the genocide that took place in our backyards in 1994 in Rwanda is bound to happen in our living rooms.

In Souther California, the largest ever demonstration is scheduled to take place on Saturday, September 19, 2009, in Los Angeles.

The Assembly which will be escorted by LAPD will be flagged off at exactly 11:00 am at 11600 Wilshire Blvd. We will be marching eastwards, singing patriotic songs of Buganda to Federal Building Lawns where we will be addressed by different leaders.

The  event will be covered by all major media houses; ABC7, CNN, BBC, Los Angeles Times , New York Times, NPR , and many more.

We encourage traditional dressing: Men in Kanzu and Ladies in Busuuti.
Bring Placards and drums.

More details will be communicated to you.

Thank you for your support.

Ssabassajja Kabaka awangaale.

Damiano Kigoye
Muzukulu wa Nakigoye e Kyasa, mu Buddu.
Chairperson, Organizing Committee.

When, on September 16, 2009, Museveni invited all Buganda MPs to a Thursday meeting to discuss the impasse regarding Kabaka’s visit to Kayunga, he was considering denying opposition to the visit (see “Museveni May Blame Police and Minister For Bugerere Violence“).   By the time the meeting took place, Museveni had decided to confront the Kabaka and had grown so paranoid that the locked non-NRM Buganda MP’s out.

One source close to president Museveni’s state house has told us:  “Young and rich Balaalo, who fear to lose the billion of shillings they have looted in Uganda had worked through senior members of the Balaalo akazu (secret conclave) Caleb Akandwanaho (Salim Saleh), Janet Museveni and Elly Karuhanga to persuade Museveni to lower the tension with Mmengo. As late as Wednesday afternoon, Museveni considered blaming the brutal actions of Uganda police against Baganda youths in Kayunga on Kayihura’s men.”  However, the Uganda warlord continued to face pressure from strongly anti-Baganda Balaalo and Bayiru like David Tinyefuza, Kale Kayihura, Kahinda Otafiire and others, who wanted the Kabaka arrested.”

The situation was complicated on Wednesday when, Museveni, after 2 years of unsuccessful efforts, managed to get a telephone audience with Ssabasajja Kabaka.  According the Museveni’s own statement, the Kabaka was clearly unimpressed by the extreme importance the Ugandan ruler places on the title, “President of Uganda”. The unfriendly call left Museveni irate but probably did not change his thoughts about calling some type of truce.

The source says, however, that: “President Museveni panicked on Thursday late morning when he got intelligence reports that the violence that started after Kayihura barred Katikkiro Walusimbi from entering Bugerere was spreading to places as far as Masaka.  Even worse, it was being executed by fearless young Baganda, some as young as 13 years, in huge numbers. When he consulted some members of  the kazu, they were also panicking. When he called Janet Museveni, overseas at the time and very angry at the way Baganda had embarrassed her at UNAA, she told him that there was no choice but crash the Baganda rioters.” That is when Museveni made the final decision to stop Kabaka Mutebi.

Museveni formally announced that unless Mmengo held talks with Banyala and CBS radio stopped their negative campaign against the NRM and inciting the people against Police, Kabaka’s visit to Kayunga on Saturday could not take place. Reportedly, the Ugandan warlord did not sleep at all Thursday night but made another critical decision. He ordered that the Kabaka had to be stopped if he left his palace and live bullets were to be used on rioters.

It appears that Kabaka Mutebi’s advisors got wind of Museveni’s genocidal plans early enough to avert the potential bloodshed. By Friday mid-afternoon, the Buganda cabinet had made the decision that talking to Museveni’s person king (Sabanyala) was out of questions and Baganda blood could not be sacrificed to the NRM government, which seemed deranged.  Sources close to Mmengo could not provide more details about what went on in the Buganda cabinet up to the point of the official statement canceling the trip. However, according the Observer Newspaper (www.observer.ug), the wording and timing  of the Mmengo statement was highly influenced by fear that Katikkiro Walusimbi, who is little trusted by nationalist Baganda, could be harmed.

We can report that Museveni was in communication with people who are close to key Buganda government officials throughout the crisis. However, it is not known if any actual communication took place. Also, Museveni planted at least one informer among Mmengo officials, including in the Katikkiro’s convoy that was stopped at Sezibwa (details withheld to protect the sources).

In the meantime, a state of panic has taken root among the Balaalo community in Buganda. For many of them this the first time they came face to face with the prospect that Museveni does not have the capacity to protest them against the thousands of unemployed and angry young Baganda. Evidence of this panic includes the decision by Rwandese Balaalo, assisted by a foreign country, to volunteer to offer over 20 lorries to accompany Kabaka Mutebi to Kayunga. We have also received unconfirmed reports of an unusual number of Balaalo parents taking their children home from boarding schools on Saturday September 12, 2009.

Kabaka’s representatives in North America have distributed  the following press release from Katikkiro JB Walusimbi.

PRESS RELEASE

In 2008 the Kingdom of Buganda decided to hold the annual Youth Day celebrations for 2009 in Bugerere County following the successful celebrations held in Kyaggwe County. The objective of the celebrations, which are presided over by Ssaabasajja Kabaka, is to rally the youth to engage in social and economically developmental activities as well as to promote our culture values.

The Kingdom regrets that this year’s celebrations have been unduly politicized.

The Kabaka’s visit to Bugerere is lawful and constitutional and the reasons being given for blocking the Kabaka and the Katikkiro from accessing Bugerere are completely unfounded.

The Kingdom recognizes the cultural and ethnic diversity of its peoples. This is clearly demonstrated in the composition of its Cabinet and Lukiiko. The Banyala are part of Buganda and our history and culture recognizes the Namuyonjo as their cultural leader. The Namuyonjo and the overwhelming majority of the Banyala enjoy their culture and voluntarily pledge their allegiance to Ssaabasajja Kabaka of Buganda

The county of Bugerere comprises several ethnic communities including the Bakenye, Basoga, Bagishu, Baluuli, Baganda, Japadhola, Iteso, Sudanese, Kuku. All ethnicities have been living harmoniously until the recent creation of the institution of the “Sabanyala”.

The Kingdom of Buganda deeply regrets the loss of life and destruction of property that followed the refusal of the Katikkiro to access Bugerere. In addition, the Kingdom regrets and abhors the closure of its radio station CBS FM, something that has heightened to the unnecessary chaos and tension.

The Kingdom of Buganda remains committed to fostering peace, justice and the harmonious co-existence of all of the peoples of Uganda. We remain very resolute in our peaceful and democratic quest for the realization of our legitimate aspirations for a federal system of governance for the whole of Uganda and the unconditional return of our expropriated properties.

The Kingdom reassures the public that Buganda remains a peace loving Kingdom that thrives on ethnic diversity and mutual respect and urges all people to remain law abiding. The Kingdom is and has always been willing to engage in principled, transparent and constructive dialogue with the Government and all other communities of Uganda to ensure our peaceful co-existence for the future. Such dialogue ought to be structured, time-bound, free of intimidation and based on mutual respect.

We are still engaged with Government to ensure that Ssaabasajja Kabaka attends the celebrations in Bugerere in a peaceful and secure environment.

AWANGAALE SSAABASAJJA.

ENG. J. B WALUSIMBI,

KATIKKIRO.

10^th September 2009.

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London, UK: Stop genocide in Buganda

Dear Buganda Post,

I could not believe it when I read about how Museveni is using Tamale Mirundi to spread violence in my home county Bugerere. That man Museveni may think that we who grew up on bibanja and don’t own land are going to support his genocide programme. I want to assure our Kabaka and the people of Buganda that the people doing these things are not the true people of Buganda, whether Baganda or Banyala. These are foreigners from Bugisu, Teso, Ankole and Sudan and many of them have come during Museveni’s rule. Some like the Sudanese he even brought on lorries.  Mind you, many of the youth of these people now use Baganda or Banyala names to make sure that their own communities are not blamed for anything.

But time will come when all these people have to answer in an international court for the war crimes and the genocide type things they have done in Buganda, Northern Uganda, Congo and southern Sudan. Please Kabaka Mutebi you just continue to be strong and lead us bravely out of this Uganda mess.

Wangala nnyo Kabaka waffe.

Sarah Musisi
Muganda of Banyala origins

No city, USA: Saluting Kabaka on Tamale’s Genocide Campaign

Dear Editor,

I salute Ssabasajja Kabaka wa Buganda for his courage for being able to say something against the campaign M7 is doing through Tamale Mirundi to promote the burning of land owners in Buganda.  Even shocking is the fact that the TOP radio where Museveni and Tamale Mirundi are spreading their genocidal messages is owned by so called Pastor Jackson Senyonga of Christian Life Centre. This is the same Senyonga who was arrested for fondling a 13 year-old girl during a flight in the USA. It seems that he got out of it but the deal was never publicized.

My question is what is Katikkiro Walusimbi doing, because he listens to Tamale Mirundi saying these things too? How can he just keep quiet about these crimes against humanity in Buganda to the point that Magulu Nnyondo himself has to speak? Abaganda babookya Katikkiro ali mu kugaba nsigo za bijanjaalo?

The way M7 and his people are behaving is typical of desperate people. Like a person who is drowning and dosen’t care who he goes under with him. Every Muganda should on the alert because these are dangerous people. Let us all follow behind our Kabaka and we shall overcome. Ekikute obudde kiributa.

Wangaala Ai Ssabasajja!

David Kasozi Nsamba
USA

Undisclosed Location: UNAA President vs. Janet Museveni and Ambassador Kamunanirwe

The current UNAA leadership has met stiff resistance from within most UNAA executive board members who have joined effort with the Uganda government officials to bring the current leadership down.  They can’t stand our current President, Lt. Musisi who is determined to revive UNAA to its past glory without the interference of the foreign Ugandan government. These are the facts.

What the Ugandans in North American are asking the Ugandan government is to concentrate on the affairs at home. It should stop imposing and directing itself on Ugandan North American Association, UNAA.  For your information the Ugandan Government official was informed officially by the UNAA Leadership that won’t be able at short notice of two weeks to change the program to accommodate the First Lady, Jennet Museveni to address the UNAA convention.  It is rather humiliating that this same government official through acquaintance got Ben Abe who is NOT part of the Organizing Committee to extend an invitation to the first Lady to address the Forum at UNAA convention. This is the worst that a foreign government can do to a non-profit organization like UNAA, equivalent to coercion and manipulation. See the attached document from the Ambassador giving orders!  I think it may be time for Ugandans in the U.S. to wake and stand up against this foreign government Intervention into the affairs of UNAA!  These are the facts.

Thanks for taking action

Peace Mujimba

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Pennsylvania, USA: Promotion of Impunity, Dictatorship and Genocide in Uganda

Dear Editor,

Permit me to express my disgust regarding the increasingly deteriorating political situation currently prevailing in Uganda, more particularly in my native country and nation Buganda. For more than 23 years now, we have been closely following the political development of events back home. While we initially anticipated that the ouster of dictators Idi Amin, Milton Obote and the Okellos; subsequently with coming to power of Yoweri Museveni would be the anti-dote of the terrible dictatorships and their attendant buffoonery that had afflicted Uganda since around 1965, we are sadly coming to the realization that Ugandans just got rid of one form of dictatorship only to replace it with another fascist dictatorship.

All Ugandans will remember that Yoweri Museveni gave the “rigging of elections” as one of the reasons for his taking to the Luwero jungles where many Baganda perished. Few will disagree, however, that on the contrary, Museveni went to the bushes for only self-aggrandizement. Three elections in Uganda have been widely reported as having been massively rigged by Mr. Museveni using the Electoral Commissions, the military and Police. Two of these elections (2001 & 2006) have been publically brought to the attention of the courts of Uganda by Dr. Kizza Besigye Kifefe where it was conclusively adjudicated that these elections were massively rigged. We all remember how with the aid of Mr. Edaward Ssekandi, Yoweri Museveni manipulated and bribed the 7th Parliament with $ 2500 so term limits could be lifted for him to become the life president he is today.

In the heat of 2006 elections, an aide to Yoweri Museveni, a one Lt. Ramadan Magara, shot eight Baganda at the royal gates of Bulange. Inspite of the people’s outcry to have this murderer be brought to justice, this soldier walked scot free for close to two years, all still in the service of the Ugandan strongman. While it is reported that Lt. Magara is now in Luzira, it is more than apparent that he will soon be out on the Kampala streets gunning down again innocent Ugandans. We must remember that he was almost acquitted with a ridiculous verdict of “manslaughter” rather homicide!

Quite recently before the murders of landlords by assumed peasants began in Buganda, the Ugandan strongman was reported to have been going around with a one Tamale Mirundi and a one Lt. Bamwine in Buganda encouraging peasants to form what have been referred to as Bibanja associations. It is through these associations that Baganda prominent men and women are now reportedly been murdered.
Like it happened in the neighboring Rwanda, Joseph Tamale Mirundi is being hosted by not so-respectable but religious-based FM radio stations. Three prominent ones have been names as being TOP Radio, Radio Star and Radio Bukedde. It is through these radios that genocidal messages are being spread out by Tamale Mirundi, Lt. Bamwine and a one Luutu.

The recent brutal murders and burning to ashes of eight Baganda landlords in Buganda at the instigation of Yoweri Museveni together with his aides such as Tamale Mirundi, Lt. Bamwine, Luutu, among others, must not go unpunished. I am calling upon the international human rights organizations to seriously begin investigations into this criminality and impunity. I am also calling upon all Ugandans in the Diaspora and back at home to increase their resistance against the prevailing fascism in Uganda. The world must not just look on as yet another dictator commits genocide in Buganda/Uganda. We cannot wait to see a million Baganda butchered Intarehamwe-style for us to wake up to the terrible pogrom that is beginning to manifest itself in Buganda.

Mrs. Tara Nankindu – Musoke
Pennsylvania – U.S.A

No City, USA: Response To Dr. Abe’s Invitation Of The First Lady

Bugandapost Editor:

Currently, there is a lot of politics being introduced in UNAA, a non-profit organization. It is critical that we expose what’s happening in UNAA. Please post my article regarding what’s happening in UNAA today.

Ugandans Beware

Initially, official delegations from Uganda Government were invited to attend UNAA conventions in an effort to drum-up investment opportunities for Uganda. Today, the attendance and participation of official delegations from Uganda Government at UNAA Conventions has become almost an established rule, thereby becoming a violation of the principles under which UNAA is supposed to be run.

Case in point is Dr. Abe’s decision to sidestep the organization’s leadership and extend an invitation to the First Lady, who is also a high level NRM politician. It is not only wrong, it is regrettable. UNAA membership includes hundreds of refugees from Uganda. These refugees were forced into exile by the same people you are now asking them to applaud and embrace.  This is not only hypocritical, but also contradicts the basis for their applications for political asylum in the US.

The government of Uganda’s insistence on inserting the First Lady (a high level NRM politician in Uganda), into the UNAA Convention, is a direct violation of the principles governing UNAA, a no-profit organization.

It is therefore imperative for UNAA membership to make a stand against such actions that violate the very core of our organization. Fellow Ugandans and well wishers, the harsh realities that our brothers and sisters in Northern Uganda have endured for the last twenty years have remained buried under layers of a campaign of deception and disinformation, orchestrated by the same hypocrites who are now claiming to be the saviors of Northern Uganda (or is it the newly found oil in Northern Uganda).

In their efforts to control Ugandans in the Diaspora, they have infiltrated UNAA organization in order to introduce their politics of division and deception. These acts have far reaching consequences, with the potential of causing irreparable damage to the organization.

It is time for UNAA membership to stand up and deny Uganda politicians on open door to UNAA platform. Brothers and sisters, we must join hands in our effort to reclaim UNAA’s integrity. We cannot afford to be bystanders, but rather active participants. Together in our diverse political, ethnic, religious, professional, and other background, must unite to demand for conditions that will guarantee our freedom without any manipulation or intimidation both in Uganda and the Diaspora.

By John Mayanja          

Samwiri Mukasa
Buganda Nationalist
USA

I found the arrogance in Mr. Museveni’s “Guidance to Banyoro Bafuruki question” letter, posted in Buganda Post on August 1, 2009, unacceptable. Click on “Tired, Drowning Museveni Blames Baganda For Bunyoro Land Violence” to see the letter. I cannot understand how a man who became president on the backs of Baganda can go so far in abusing us and our Kabaka. I had to do something about it. My late father used to tell us that, if you want deal with a stone-throwing mad man, throw a few rocks at him too. So, I chose to throw my own 9 so called principles at Museveni, blow by blow, here on Buganda Post. Mr. Museveni’s “stones” (poor spelling is his) are shown in regular text and my “rocks” in bold.

Guidance on Baganda vs Guidance on Banyoro

Having thought about all this for a long time, I am proposing the following principles to be part of the solutions.

After reading president Museveni’s letter and thinking about it for a short time, I am proposing the following principles to be part of the solutions.

1.     Ring-fencing the LC 5 positions in the whole of Bunyoro region for the indigenous people; and also ring-fencing the sub-county leadership in the whole of Bunyoro.

1. Ring-fencing all politics in the Kingdom of Buganda for native Baganda people (the Bataka and appropriate community leaders will sort out the details of how to put Baluuri, Banyala, Bakenyi and even certain Bajjwa on the path to full recognition as citizens of Buganda, and integrating some of their unique customary practices in Baganda culture)

2.    Ring-fencing the positions of Member of Parliament in the whole of Bunyoro region for the indeginous people except for the special constituencies created around Rutete (Lutete) and Kisita resettlement schemes. Number and two will in the spirit of article of 9 and article 10 of the 1995 Constitution of Uganda. They were also envisaged by article 32 of the constitution of Uganda which talked about affirmative action in favour of marginalized groups by reason of history or otherwise for the purpose of redressing imbalances that exist against them.

2. Abolishing the bogus 1995 Museveni Constitution since it is a “weapon of Buganda occupation”. Over 90% of Buganda’s people publically protested it because they preferred a federal form of government and Mr. Museveni responded with threats  to use force. The same happened in 1998 when Baganda demonstrated against the Land Act; Mr. Museveni threaten to start a new guerrilla war. Even more importantly, our Kabaka has publically stated, “Tuli mu buwambe” (”we under occupation”) – the Kabaka cannot lie!

3.    All the indigenous people that were on the Mailo land in 1964 should be granted ownership and the absentee landlords should leave the land. All the indeginous people that have been on public land should get titles ownership of that land. The Bafuuriki in the settlement schemes already have their land and should get titles if they do not have them. The Bafuuriki who bought land legally should have their rights recognized.

3. All Baganda who, in 1986, were on land that was later acquired irregularly by non-Baganda (using stolen government funds, drug money, laundered funds, land grabbing, etc.) shall be granted ownership and titles. Proof of income and tax records will be required to support claims of legal acquisition by the non-Baganda. Anyone who bought stolen property (abaagula ebibbe) will automatically lose it as required by ancient Buganda Laws.

4.    All the illegal encroachers in forest reserves should be evicted without compensation as the normadic cattle keepers of Buliisa are being settled in Buganda.

4. All the illegal encroachers in forest reserves, wetlands and cultural sites shall  be evicted without compensation and the nomadic cattle keepers will be repatriated to their home countries, using Tanzania’s successful experience as a model.

5.    The towns and trading centre should be exempted from these affirmative action measures. They should be free for all Ugandans. This is the healthy integration. The totally integrated Uganda should have its nucleus in the urban centers, factories, the hotels, the shops, the real estate etc. in oreder to promote healthy integration, industrialization should be promoted to pull redundant population from rural areas to the urban areas. Here there should be no regulation beyond ensuring that the workers are Ugandans.

5. Land ownership by genuine non-Baganda investors and residents will follow international norms, using countries like Japan, Korea and Israel as models. There will be a limit to the amount of land these non-Baganda investors and residents may own outside urban areas – to be set by the Great Lukiiko.

6.    The indigenous people who get land should be prohibited from selling the land for 20years and also leasing it.

6. The indigenous people who get land shall be free to sell their land to other Buganda or to non-Baganda through Buganda Land Board and according to the laws governing Buganda land.

7.    A program of sensitising the Banyoro and Bafuuriki should be promoted.

7. A program of sensitizing all Baganda and residents of Buganda about the historical and cultural importance we put on our land and environment shall be promoted.

8.    Government should have a special program for developing Bunyoro using money provided by the central government including the British funds.

8. Ssabasajja Kabaka’s Government shall have a comprehensive strategy and several programs to develop the kingdom’s people at a rapid rate, relying on the resources of Kabaka’s people all over the world – Kabaka does not “beg”.

9.    Finally there should a sunset clause to terminate or cause a review of this policy after 20years.

9. Finally, there is no sunset clause to terminate or reduce the rights of Baganda to determine how their God given land in the 18 counties shall be administered.

All this is a consequence of the colonial policies also supported by the traditional chiefs like of Mengo in Uganda, of discouraging the use of Swahili as a national language. If the people of Bunyoro-the Banyoro or the Bafuuriki were using Swahili, their differences would be submerged. It is the use of vernacular that provokes, in part, these contradictions. I like the indeginous languages, in fact I am about to complete a dictionary in Runyakore-Rukiga. However, I see these vanaculars not as an end in themselves. I see them as a source of enriching Swahili. That is why NRM promotes Swahili. We included it in the constitution; we use it in the army etc.

The committee, should, therefore, look at the principles I have mentioned above and see them work. You should also identify any other problems that I have not identified and propose solutions. You should propose any solutions you feel are useful in the areas for which I have suggested solutions.

All this  is a consequence of failure on our part, the Baganda,  to recognize that Uganda has needed us way much more than we did. And, that the relationship is now irreparable, especially since Uganda is a certified failed state, run by common thieves. How would one otherwise explain why the president’s office cannot not use an English spell-checker on Mr. Museveni’s letter?

Awangaale Ssabasajja!

Samwiri Mukasa

Below is a statement that was released by the Bunyoro Kingdom on May 24, 2009. A highly reliable source in Mmengo has told us that there have been no plans for Kabaka Mutebi to visit Ndaiga as the statement claims. She warned that this is may be a ploy by Ford Mirima, who is often carrying out state house directives, to distract Baganda onto yet another random topic. The official added: “I am not speaking for Kabaka’s government but, personally, I think Banyoro should start asking themselves what will happen when Baganda youths camp at Kakiri or Luweero to stop their Omukama from proceeding to Kampala. Togayanga kyeziinze! ”

The statement, which was sent to various news outlets and government officials is reproduced below:

Bunyoro kingdom to demonstrate against Kabaka visit to Ndaiga

Dear Editors;

Bunyoro-Kitara Kingdom May 22, 2009 issued a statement saying the kingdom is to join Mubende Banyoro Committee on June 5, 2009, to demonstrate against among others things, the planned June 25, 2009, Kabaka Mutebi’s visit to Ndaiga to cement Buganda Kingdom’s claim on the Mailo Akenda part of (3000 sq miles) which is in Buyaga and Bugangaizi counties of Bunyoro-Kitara.

The statement issued by the Katiikiro, Mr. Yabezi Kiiza, says if the Kabaka wants to assert Buganda’s ownership of land in Kibaale District which is the land the Uganda Constitution says the Kabaka must surrender under the Land Fund in the Uganda Constitution, the Kabaka will be breaching the Uganda Constitution. The katiikiro says these counties were connstitutionally transferred to Bunyoro-Kitara kingdom. So, Buganda has no say in them.

The Katiikiro’s statement follows a resolution adopted by Mubende Banyoro Committee on May 11, 2009 in which they wrote to the Inspector-General of Police seeking permision to demonstrate peacefully against Government failure to return Banyoro land as the referendum of 1964 decrees.

Octoebr 8, 2008 Kabaka Ronald Muwenda  was stopped by Police from visiting Buruuli county where he was going to celebrate Buganda’s independence Day. The Baruulli warned him not to go there before he got persmission from the Isaabaruuli, Mwogezi Butamanya. He defied the Baruuli. whereupon they deployed the youths to stop him. The Uganda Government through the Police stopped the Kabaka from going to Nakasongola.

Last week Buganda Government made arrangments for the Kabaka to visit Bunyala county (Bugerere) but the Banyala, through their Cultural Head, The Isaabanyala, Captain Kimeze, warned him not to step in Bunyala unless he has official permission from the Isaabanyala, the  Cultural head.

In in1961 the late Kabaka of Buganda, Sir Edward Muteesa used force to visit  Buyaga county,at Karutguuza, where the Banyoro had warned him not to go. there. The Banyoro erected roadblocks to stop him, but the Kabaka, using  Kawonawos, stormed the road blocks and went to Karuguuza Market where he found Banyoro buying and selling goods and he shot and killed nine Banyoro, including the Market Master, Ntogota.

Today Buganda Kingdom says the Kabaka is going to go, by force, to Bunyala county, and to Ndaiga. The Banyoro are already mobilising themselves to stop the Kabaka from going to Ndaiga.

Now get the official statement from Bunyoro-Kitara Kingdom issued by the Katiikiro.

Henry Ford Miirima
Press Secretary of the Omukama of Bunyoro-Kitara