Thanks to pressure from ordinary Baganda and politicians who are scared of losing votes in Buganda, Uganda’s life president Yoweri Museveni, would like to reopen Buganda’s CBS FM Radio now. However the prospects of this happening appear poor, given the growing number of power centers that oppose it and his own crude stubbornness.

Museveni erected the first hurdle when he decided to set what many observers consider unreasonable conditions, for rescinding the illegal closure of the most popular radio station in Uganda. The ridiculous conditions, even by the standards of donor governed Uganda, included firing all presenters who annoyed Ugandan president in the past, moving the radio station headquarters to a location more agreeable to the NRM government, only airing cultural programs and, most incredibly, dropping legal cases that CBS employees filed against government.

According to local press reports, the Buganda minister of information, Owek. Medard Lubega Ssegona, reacted swiftly, saying in Luganda: “Tetuyinza kuwaayo Bwakabaka  batuweemu leediyo. Obukwakkulizo bwa gavumenti bumenya Konsitityusoni n’amateeka amalala.” (“We cannot surrender our kingdom in exchange for a radio station. The [NRM] government’s demands are illegal.”). At the same time, a sources in Mmengo told us that Katikkiro Walusimbi and other businessmen in Buganda Government want to negotiate with Museveni on the conditions but are simply overwhelmed by the other forces.

The most formidable force against opening of CBS under Museveni’s arbitrary conditions is the Baganda masses and the Bataka (clan elders). This group, which also includes CBS Fans Club and the more nationalistic members of Buganda government, misses the radio station most and is putting most pressure on Museveni to re-open it. However, they are strongly opposed to the reopening if it will lead to changes in their radio station’s format or presenters. Although Kabaka Mutebi is quiet on the issue, word on the Baganda street is that he is fully with his subjects and the Bataka (as Ssabataka, Kabaka Mutebi is part of the Bataka).

Also strongly opposed for the reopening are Baganda members of the Ugandan opposition political parties, DP, FDC and UPC. Most of these political types would like CBS to remain closed until the 2011 elections to maximize Baganda anger and anti-NRM feelings. Joyce Nabbosa Sebugwaawo is a strong activist in the Bakiga/Banyankore led FDC and she quoted by the local press saying: “Gavumenti ekole ky’eyagala bwe baliyagala baligizzaako. Obukwakkulizo bwe batutaddeko tebujja kukola era tubugaanyi. Banaffe oba basazeewo kukola nga bannakyemalira, katubaleke bagende mu maaso.” (“Let the government do whatever they want. Whenever they decide they can reopen it. The conditions they have imposed are impractical and we rejected them. Our colleagues have chosen to be dictators, we will let them go ahead.”)

Others opposed to the CBS opening, but possibly working independently, are disgruntled NRMs who feel betrayed by Museveni. One example is Janat Mukwaya, who, according to state house sources, Museveni is anxious to drop. Mrs. Mukwaya reportedly knows this and she has already decided not to run for re-election in 2011. But she is privately afraid about her future, including the personal safety of her family because of the anti-Baganda crimes she has committed on behalf of  the Museveni who is now dumping her. Another one is Museveni’s vice president Gilbert Bukenya, who is seeing red over the not so subtle murder of his son followed by the the highly public ridicule by Museveni and Tamale Mirundi over the CHOGOM car scandal. These two and other disillusioned NRMs, reportedly now have individual “Ffena tufiirwe” (“If I lose everyone must lose”) agendas in connection with CBS Radio.  In general, they are pushing for CBS to remain closed so that hatred for Museveni and Banyankore in Buganda may increase. Short term agendas.

Buganda Post has reliably learnt from a source very close Dr. Gilbert Bukenya that the vice president in  Uganda’s oppressive NRM regime is fuming, after president Museveni ignored his (Bukenya’s) political enemies and counseled him to stop quarreling everyone. The Muganda source told Buganda Post: “Our man is extremely frustrated because Museveni refused to even listen to his complaints about Kahinda Otafiire, Mbabazi, state house mafia and even Tamale Mirundi. He was hoping that Mirundi would be fired but  Museveni pretended that he was not even fully aware of the feud between his VP and his press secretary, Mirundi.

“Instead, he counseled our man to stop quarrelling with every in the public when there are so many other correct forums.  He even went as far as telling Bukenya to reconcile with Mbabazi  and take photos together publically,  to show a good image.  Our man did not like that but he obliged as good team player.  What really annoyed Bukenya, though, is that after the Mbabazi thing, Museveni then told Bukenya to also reconcile with Tamale, a junior officer, whom our man was demanding to get fired. Not only was Tamale not fired, but Museveni ordered the two of them to stop attacking each other in the public.”

Our source says that, for now, Bukenya has to behave like everything is under control but, under the surface, he is fuming at Museveni, Kuteesa, Amelia Kyambadde, Mirundi, Otafiire, Saleh, Kainerugaba and several others who we know are conspiring to destroy him. The source also reveals that, after the apparent murder of his Sandhurst bound son by some of these people, Bukenya’s friends are very concerned about his  own life. The source elaborated: “These people are ruthless and they know all Bukenya’s weaknesses.  And Museveni has set  Bukenya up as an enemy of Buganda, by encouraging him to abuse Kabaka and Baganda. Our fear is that, these mafias can do something to the man and claim that it the angry Baganda nationalists who did it.”

On December 26, 2009, vice president Bukenya told the NRM mouthpiece, the New Vision, that the Museveni authorized the corrupt transaction that involved the irregular acquisition of vehicles for CHOGOM.  In the same interview Bukenya made anti-Buganda and anti-Kabaka statement, which was prepared for him by Museveni’s state house: “If Buganda wants to advance in a democratic era, it is not a matter of Mengo accepting or not accepting. It is a matter of understanding the future of Uganda. And the future of Uganda lies in consolidation of a democratic process. There is no more time for undemocratic systems of government in Uganda. Choosing a person without going into one-person one-vote is no longer acceptable. Therefore, Buganda and its cultural leadership must now begin to recognize legitimately elected members of their society like the President, MPs, district chairpersons, councilors, and other local government leaders.”

On December 30, 2009, Museveni’s press secretary, Tamale Mirundi hit back at Bukenya when he told the local press that the vice president should “stop hiding behind the President’s name” on CHOGOM because Museveni twice wrote opposing the breach of procurement rules before the tender of the supply of the 204 cars was awarded. Tamale continued: “If you are a Vice President and then you start hiding behind the President, then you cannot succeed… Was Prof. Bukenya a running boy of the President? He had the opportunity to meet and advise the President in all the meetings, what stopped him from doing so?”.

Then in an interview published on December 31, 2009 in the The Monitor newspaper, Bukenya reacted to Tamale Mirundi’s attack with full force, calling Mirundi a “small boy” who should be ignored. Bukenya reportedly went on say: “It is very interesting that a junior staff can make such comments on the second highest office in this country. I would be very interested if that person puts his comments in writing… Is it true that the President has disowned me like Tamale wants the public to believe? I am not aware, and if it is true, I wish to know it… I talk with the President every day. How comes he has never said such? Sometimes those small boys can want to make you go astray but that will not be the case.”

For days afterwards,  Bukenya tried to talk to Museveni without success, thanks to Amelia Kyambadde. It is now a public secret that Bukenya then went rouge. He started and fanned a rumor that he was ready to retire, to confuse his enemies and get Museveni’s attention. He also secretly solicited the help of other disgruntled NRMs like Mike Mukula to stage a “don’t resign” rally for him in Kakiri. According to the NRM’s New Vision newspaper,  Bukenya told the rally on January 9, 2010, that he was like Kilimanjaro and Tamale could not climb him. He added: “I am closely following Tamale Mirundi step by step. I want to know who is putting fire in him. When I get to know, I will call you here and name them.” Bukenya finally got Museveni’s attention, which eraned him the lecture to stop quarreling with everyone and the order to reconcile with Mbabazi, Otafiire and Tamale Mirundi.

As president Museveni’s press secretary, Tamale Mirundi is answerable to the Ugandan life president and his principle private secretary, Amelia Kyambadde. Historically, Tamale Mirundi never makes any statement without getting clearance from Museveni or Amelia. It therefore seems that Bukenya’s threats to name who is putting fire in Tamale Mirundi could have brought him to is current situation.

A New Jersey Muganda resident and United States citizen sent us an email on November 4, 2009, proposing a pledge of allegiance for Baganda all over world. The email says: “No question about it, the Kabaka and his subjects in Buganda are in captivity today. Buganda is in a constant state of emergency. Since we are under constant attack by the enemy, it is time for every loyal Muganda to openly declare their full allegiance to the Kabaka and our other institutions. And for those who have their allegiance elsewhere, like Nsibambi or Bukenya or Sekandi, to be officially exposed.”

The Muganda explained that:  “Having a simple pledge like this, which even school children and old people can recite every day shall help us to stay on focus until  our nation is rescued.”

Below is the text of proposed Buganda Pledge of Allegiance . The author admits that it is about 90% based on the United States pledge of allegiance . He also hopes that Buganda Post readers who know good Luganda can properly translate the pledge to Buganda’s national language and suggest changes.

BUGANDA PLEDGE OF ALLEGIANCE

I pledge allegiance to the institution of Kabaka, the Baganda clans, and the Buganda Kingdom for which they stand, one nation, indivisible, under God, with liberty and justice for all.

[Editor: Please include any suggested changes or translations in comments under this story.]

A tragic story is emerging concerning the health of Betty Nambooze, one of Kabaka Mutebi’s most loyal servants and probably the most important adovocate of Buganda’s rights, besides Ssabasajja himself. Sources at Entebbe airport tell us that this afternoon, a combined team of occupation forces including police, CMI and PGB pulled Nambooze off a flight to South Africa, where she was going to recieve emergency medical treatment. A leading New York based Buganda analyst has angrily told us: “Museveni, Kayihura, Bukenya and Tinyfuza have known for a long time that Nambooze’s life is grave medical danger. Even if they deny poisoning her, refusing her the best available medical care for political reasons is a clear crime against humanity. For that, they must pay.”

In what appears to have been an occupation government trick on the public, government owned Star FM reported on their 1:00 PM news that the police had cleared Nambooze to travel on medical grounds. Most Baganda went to lunch happy knowing that Madam Teacher was OK and were caught unawares when rumors started to pass that she was under arrest. Even by 3:00 most people did not know the truth.

To add to the confusion, Star FM also quoted Museveni warning that the NRM government would not allow “this woman Nambooze” to continue tell lies about it. We have not been able to confirm if Museveni is the one who ordered that Nambooze to be pulled of the phone. However, according to an SMS broadcast by Boston based MUSEVENIMUSTGO program, it appears that there is a coordinated plot to ensure that Nambooze never leaves Uganda. Apparently because, if she goes to a country with modern medical facilities, the poison which was injected into her on Seiko’s instructions might be discovered.

Nambooze’s health has recently deteriorated due to poor medical services in Mukono and what her doctors suspect to be a slow acting poison. For several years now, Betty Nambooze has told her CBS FM radio listeners that when she was arrested in Mukono for opposing land grabbing by Juma Seiko, the police forcibly injected her with a strange chemical.

Juma Seiko is an aide to Museveni’s half brother Caleb Akanwandeko (Salim Saleh). Seiko, who is from Sebei, is best known in Uganda inelligence circles for ruthlessly enforcing discpline in Saleh’s Congo War mineral looting operations during the 1990’s and, more recently, for overseeing his boss’ drug smuggling operations at Entebbe aiport. Seiko has a son in the USA, around 25-30 years, who is also clandestinely serving in Saleh’s criminal mafia.

According to our Boston sources, Lt. Frank Musisi of the USA army told the Buganda Emergency meeting on October 17, 2009 that president Museveni is paying Buganda Post to write malicious stories about him (Musisi). Lt. Musisi was apparently referring to an October 17, 2009 posting which said that both at UNAA Chicago and a Los Angeles Baganda conference, the USA army officer had claimed that he was leading the Buganda cause in America (see “Muliika And Frank Musisi To Headline Boston Buganda Emergency Conference“). Apparently, fully aware that the Buganda Post story was accurate, Lt. Musisi never told his Boston audience what Buganda Post had written which inaccurate, let alone malicious.

On October 17, 2009, over 300 angry Baganda from Boston, New York, Washington DC, California, Kampala and many other places attended the one day conference. Several sources told us that it was nothing short of an intense indoor demonstration against Museveni’s NRM dictatorship. It must have given Deputy Katikkiro Ssendaula a real headache (see “”). By far, the phrases which attracted the most standing ovations were,”Ssabsajja awangaale” (Long live Ssabasajja [Kabaka]” “Buli mbuzi ku nkondo yaayo” (”every goat back to its home peg”), “Teli kuteesa!” (”No negotiations”), “Ettaka lyaffe eribe tujja kulibajjako”(”we shall reclaim the land they have stolen from us”) and “Museveni must go!”.   By all measures, the conference was very successful in proving that Baganda love their nation and Kabaka. And that most Baganda are tired of the anti-Buganda Ugandan politics.

One attendee, who requested that we do not disclose her identity, described the meeting to us in an email as follows:  ”At the beginning I got confused because I thought that this was an emergency meeting, may be to decide how to deal with Museveni land grabbing. But for the first  two hours, people were talking about Buganda history and how Federo is good for other regions too. To me it was starting to sound like a Uganda emergency conference.”

The attendee continued: “However, things changed when one light skinned gentleman called Kintu spoke about the real problems of Buganda. In my opinion, that is when the conference really started.  Mr.   Kintu asked Baganda to stop fearing independence and power. He mocked those take the attention off Buganda’s interests to support Uganda’s fake politicians, mbu because they have military or international exposure. He got the biggest applause when he said, ‘Abo bannabyabufuzi bemwesibako bali recycled, tebalina kyebayiinza kutukolera mu lutalo luno” (”All those [political figures] you are standing behind are recycles materials, they cannot do much for us in this war”).  Everyone shouted loudly when he told us to stop mincing words when discussing Buganda’s enemies, and said we must not fear to name them.  And the audience started shouting Apollo Nsibambi, Gilbert Bukenya and Edward Ssekandi.”

According to our source Mr. Abed Bwanika, who previously stood against Museveni for president also got some people excited but, unfortunately, he never clearly said what he wanted. “He said a lot of things about how Museveni and his NRM have looted Uganda and have caused Baganda to suffer, but I never heard him firmly say that he is 100% for Federo or that he is for Buganda independence. To me it was clear that Bwanika wanted our support because he is a Muganda, but what can he realistically give us back, even if he became president?”

Owek. Dan Muliika and Lt. Musisi were the main speakers, as Buganda Post had reported earlier. Our source told us that Owek. Muliika as usual never disappointed. He gave a wonderful speech and explained that Museveni has no legal power to force the current constitution of Uganda on us. The different parts like Buganda, Toro, Acholi, Lango, etc., which formed Uganda must sit together now and agree on how to go forward. They can agree on Federo or even agree on ‘buli mbuzi ku nkondo yaayo’. Musisi, who is very popular in Boston, excited people when he said that Museveni must go. However,  he confused some of us when he started claiming that his life was in danger because of his stand on Buganda. Without explaining, he told us that Museveni plans to kill him but that he was not afraid of going to Uganda. Then he claimed that Museveni was paying Buganda Post to publish stories about him. The problem is that, at UNAA, Musisi really claimed that he was going to lead the fight for Buganda. Now, in Watertown, he was asking us give him financial support but it was for his personal hospital in Ssese, not for Kabaka’s programs.”

In a related development, we can report that all Kabaka’s representatives in North America did not attend the Boston conference, except the Acting representive for New England, a Mr. Jane Lwanga. However, Ggwangamujje DC and Ggwangamujje NY/NJ sent strong delegations, although none of them spoke at the conference.

When asked to comment on Mr. Musisi allegations, Buganda Post’s chief moderator and editor, Omulongo Nakato, said that it would be stupid for Buganda Post and Musisi and engage in verbal battles. “We try to do everything we can to maintain unity among Baganda. Also, occasionally we might make mistakes and will admit them. However, we stand by our story that, in front of many witnesses both at UNAA Chicago and in Los Angeles, Lt. Musisi claimed leadership of Baganda in America. And he and certain supporters of his made it clear that they wanted the Boston Emergency conference to announce one Muganda to carry Buganda’s flag in the Museveni’s 2011 elections. Mr. Musisi should listen to all the promotional SMS messages for the conference. If Museveni paid Buganda Post to write lies against Musisi, then he (Musisi) should specify what we wrote which is not true.”

For several days this week, a letter has been circulating on Baganda Internet discussion lists, allegedly written by Peter Sematimba, offering the NRM advice on how to weaken CBS FM Radio.  The alleged letter, which was supposed to be highly confidential, is addressed to the minister for Security in the NRM occupation government, Amama Mbabazi. It refers to a previous discussion on the subject with David Mafabi of Museveni’s state house.

Our state house sources most familiar with the activities of David Mafabi were not aware of any specific contacts between Sematimba and Mafabi. However, they confirmed that,  since the Kayunga civil disturbances, Mafabi has gotten more involved in activities to subdue Baganda. The source said: “Since the Kayunga riots, even Museveni now knows that Kabaka Mutebi could take him down, if he had enough bright and brave people in Mmengo to support him (Mutebi).  Because state house staff know that Museveni was shaken,  each one is trying to show that they have the best idea about how to isolate the Kabaka, scare the few bright and loyal Mmengo officials, strenghthen JB Walusimbi and disorganize the Baganda youth and Diaspora movements. In this environment, it would not be surprising if two money hungry people like Sematimba and Mafabi cooked up juicy deal along the lines of this letter. But I have no information to confirm it.”

On Sematimba’s part, he declined to reply to our email message, sent to the address he uses for business, info@superfmstation.com, inquiring if he could confirm or deny the letter. Calls to his radio station numbers 041- 272777 / 0782-222885 also got a “Boss is not in office” response.

On reading the anti-Buganda letter, a leading Buganda analysts based in New York,  claimed that serious Baganda should only be happy when Buganda’s enemies are exposed like this. He explained: “Many so called intelligent Baganda are still subconsciously slaves to the belief that a foreigner like Museveni or Besigye will save them. Others are equally delusional by thinking that some fast talking Muganda president of Uganda, like Abedi Bwanika or Samuel Lubega or Frank Musisi will help. Such Baganda are either ignorant or afraid to face the fact that Museveni and his Banyankore and Rwandese kin have ransacked the Uganda experiment. It  is a failed state! So, what does Uganda have to offer to Buganda anymore?”

The analyst continued: “What would stop Bwanika or Musisi from becoming a Sematimba once he gets power? The more intelligent Baganda know that a Muganda president of Uganda will have to go anti-Buganda, in order to maintain support from the other groups, who are uniformly anti-Buganda. This letter by Sematimba, is good for demonstrating that, Mulondo, Nsibambi, Bukenya, Mulwaanyamuli, Katende, Sekandi and Tamale Mirundi were not the last to betray Buganda. More like Bwanika, Musisi and Lubega are coming, only they might even be worse than Muwanga. The only way out is independence for the Buganda Kingdom. Fortunately, the younger Baganda who are the majority seem to instinctively understand it and that is why they are 100% behind Kabaka Mutebi.”

The controversial letter is reproduced in full below:

TO: The Minister for Security

Cc; David Mafabi O/P

Date: 2^nd/October/09

 RE: INPUT ON THE IMPACT OF THE CLOSURE OF FMs AND THE WAY FORWARD.

     Honorable minister, we discussed with Mr David Mafabi (office of the president) regarding the closed Radio stations, and i raised several issues with him which I present to you and may as well share with the powers that be at an appropriate time.

 First, I wish to express my reservations for the Broadcasting council for not doing enough to forestall the mess in the electronic media especially the fm stations more so in view of what befell the country .

  As much as we have endeavored to set standards at Super fm, we have been let down by our competitors who either out of fear for positive competition or deliberately for failing fulfill the requisites of professional broadcasting.

 With regard to the three closed stations, its my belief that the major protagonists are CBS and AKABOOZI while SUUBI FM is a nonentity in this jigsaw. It’s my conviction that you critically focus with CBS and AKABOOZI given their burgeoning presence in the FM industry.

Both FMs are a sister act especially with regard to violating the ethical code of conduct as per the press and journalist act 1995 and electronic media statute 1996 as well as the broadcasting council guidelines put in place for the electronic media to adhere to.

 We at Super FM can use this time of relative normalcy before the closed FM stations  are re-opened to fix the situation both on behalf of Government and the party as well as check on the activities of the broadcasting council on their part.

  Action Plan

I request that through your office you create a special desk where you can identify NRM cadres who can ably articulate party/ Gov’t issues on the air waves.

If this is implemented, am ready to offer a weekly program preferably during the day in fulfillment of this mission.  This will help us mobilize.

 Honorable, we are aware of the imposing status of these two stations and the expected new sense of belonging upon re-opening I think that there is a need to covertly reduce their influence in the industry.

 The stations will re-open with a bang and every listener will naturally want to associate with them after all this time in suspension. Its against this that if  no advance counter measures are put in place the bubble will bust  and you might not achieve the goal of their closure.

  For instance you can do this by demanding that they unconditionally shuffle various presenters in unfamiliar programs, i.e. from presenters to newscasters and vice versa.

  By so doing, you can institute an “independent” survey to rate FM stations and am positive that  the programs will be rating low after some time or/ and even most of the presenters will be disenchanted by the new set up  and may end up thinking twice.

Through this scheme, we can make amends by promoting those stations that are on the same page with the system

(e.g Super FM) and by the time they re-organize it will be after months when we have steadily set off.

  Alternatively, like we discussed with Mr. Mafabi, we can sweet talk a couple of presenters and draw them to the realization of not risking their careers and instead switch to the operating radio such as Super FM.

Personally am targeting two from CBS FM and two from AKABOOZI. For the fact I know that the management of both stations cannot agree to sack their prized presenters for the sake of re-opening them because they form the basis of their popularity.

 But I can assure you that if we cunningly implement snatching them away, it cannot take long before these presenters are beaten into line with what we want.

We has suggested with Mr. Mafabi and Tamale Mirundi that I make a presentation on the above issues so that I can give you a more practical picture on the way forward on this matter for the continuity.

Sincerely

Peter Sematimba

Some British Baganda are angry at Deputy Katikkiro, Emmanuel Sendaula, and Kabaka’s representative in UK, Nsambu Musisi, for asking them (the Baganda) to keep quiet at a time when their Kabaka and nation are under a state of occupation by the NRM government.

In a Luganda letter that was addressed to all Kabaka’s representatives overseas, Owek. Sendaula indicates that the Kabaka’s representative had been informed in the past that, earlier, the Buganda government passed a resolution that Kabaka and the Ugandan warlord, Museveni, should meet. He adds that the meeting which took place has improved the communication between the two sides. He states that the two sides exchanged documents based on which negotiations were to take place; the Katikkiro would inform Kabaka’s representative in due course.

The Deputy Katikkiro’s letter includes no references to ordinary Baganda except when he asks Kabaka’s representative to tell the Baganda in their areas to be  “very calm”. Owek. Sendaula provides not information at all to his audience to pass over to Baganda in their area. His letter does not include any reference to the 30 Baganda who were massacred by the NRM occupation government, the hundreds who were injured and the nearly 1,000 who have been arrested and tortured over the last two weeks. The Deputy Katikkiro’s letter is dated Monday October 15, 2009, only 2 days after Kabaka’s minister, Lubega Sseggona, was arrested by Museveni. However it does not mention the plight of Ssegona. Even most important, the Deputy Katikkiro letter saying nothing about the health and general well being of Ssabasajja Kabaka, who all Baganda know has endured tough and stressful times since the NRM occupation power barred him from going to Bugerere and started murdering his subjects.

Also significant is that, in his letter, Owek. Sendaula never mentions ordinary Baganda who live the Diaspora. He never acknowledges the allegiance they have shown to the Kabaka and Buganda with their demonstrations and other actions. He only refers to these loyal subjects when he says, “You, the representatives of Ssabasajja outside Uganda should encourage the people you lead to be very calm to give a chance to the negotiations that have started between the Uganda government and Buganda Kingdom, which aim to address Buganda’s open issues.”

In his letter to UK Baganda, Kabaka’s representative Nsambu Musisi also skipped any acknowledgement what UK Baganda have done to show the loyalty they have to Buganda or the Kabaka. And he amplifies Owek. Sendaula’s letter, telling Kabaka’s subjects in UK: “It is best that any planned demonstrations in Britain be postponed.”

One of our sources in London reported that many Baganda in UK are incensed at the condescending attitude of  Owek. Sendaula and Mr. Nsambu Musisi. The situation is further complicated by the fact that Mr. Musisi has popularity issues with most UK Baganda who feel that he was imposed on them by Katikkiro Mulwanyaamuli. According to our source: “Baganda here in London believe that blood of Baganda shed by Museveni only a week ago and the ongoing torture of hundreds of his subjects are most important to Kabaka Mutebi. But that a few cowardly and greedy individuals are helping Museveni to isolate Kabaka from his subjects by making him appear more interested in CBS Radio money or the firing of Tamale Mirundi.”

Another source, who is a computer engineer and Nkoba za Mbogo veteran went as far as challenging Deputy Katikkiro Sendaula and Mmengo to explain why they are eager to sell a Buganda’s which has survived nearly 1,000 years to a man whose true identity is questionable. He said: “First Walusimbi, Sendaula and a few money angry Mmengo personalities were used by Museveni to trick Kabaka into becoming a negotiator. That was an effort to break the centuries old custom, ‘Kabaka tateesa‘. Now they are trying to get a short term, short sighted, secret Regional Tier deal with Museveni based on getting quick CBS Radio and bribe money, to protect their personal interests. That is why they don’t even care about the Baganda blood that was spilt, those in prison or even bad image Kabaka Mutebi may get among his subjects.

“Anyway, they cannot stop us from resisting Buganda’s occupiers and protecting out Kabaka and national interests. The only reason that Museveni is even learnt to dress up, walk as if his feet are OK and behave like a civilized person in front of the Kabaka last Wednesday, is because he and his fellow Balaalo were panicked by the demonstrations September 10-11, 2009. The demonstrators in Buganda, London, New York, Boston and elsewhere showed the Ugandan NRM war lords that Buganda has a backbone. It makes common sense that Baganda must only increase demonstrations if they want to make it clear to Museveni and his NRM occupiers that they have no future without agreeing to all Buganda’s demands. Akeenda, return of all our properties, payment of arrears and Federo.  These demands are well known by all Ugandans, so why would our demonstrations against the murder and senseless arrest and torture of Baganda change anything?”

When contacted for a comment on this story, our New York based Buganda analyst had this to say: “I think Owek. JB Walusimbi and his supporters in Mmengo have made a terrible mistake of sacrificing Nambooze, Sseggona, Mpuuga and other so called Mmengo radicals to appease Museveni, Bukenya and the businessmen in Mmengo. I suspect that if Walusimbi continues on this path then he (Walusimbi) will have no influence at all when the next major demonstrations by Baganda happens, because the demonstrators might be looking for his head. It is like the children making an alarm (okukuba enduulu) when they see a robber running way with family property. Suppose the robber panics and starts to appear cornered. I think that even a 6-year old would smell something fishy if the father comes out of hiding, doesn’t show concern about the children killed or kidnapped by the robber and tells the whole family to keep quite, so neighbors don’t come as he secretly negotiates with the robber.”

Below are the letters from Deputy Katikkiro Sendaula and Mr. Nsambu Musisi respectively (in Luganda):

.

Letter from Owek. Sendaula

Eri:       Ababaka ba Ssaabasajja bonna mu nsi z’Ebweru

Okuva: Oweek. Amb. Emmnauel L. Ssendaula, Minisita w’Ensonga za Buganda  Ebweru

Ensonga:Ensisinkano ya Ssaabasajja Kabaka ne President wa Uganda

Olunaku: Lwakutaano nga 02/10/2009

Nkulamusizza nnyo era ne nkwebaza emirimu gy’oweereza Mukama waffe Ssaabasajja n’eggwanga lyattu Buganda ng’osinziira eyo gy’oli.

President wa Uganda ne Ssaabasajja Kabaka wa Buganda baasisinkanye mu State House e Ntebe nga 30/09/2009.  Akakiiko Akafuzi (Cabinet) aka Gavumenti ya Ssaabasajja Kabaka nako kaatudde eggulo nga 01/10/2009 ne kakubaganya ebirowoozo ku nsisinkano y’abakulu abo ababiri.

Nga bwe mumanyi obulungi, Gavumenti ya Ssaabasajja yayisa ekiteeso ekisemba Ssaabasajja ne President basisinkane.  Kirungi nti ensisinkano eyo yayambye nnyo okuteekawo empuliziganya wakati waabwe bombi etaabaddeewo okumala ebbanga.

Katikkiro yategeezezza Obuganda nti waliwo ebiwandiiko ebyawanyisiganyiziddwa President ne Ssaabasajja Kabaka byetegerezebwe buli ludda.  Kati Katikkiro ne Gavumenti ya Ssaabasajja twefunyiridde mu kwetegereza ensonga eziri mu kiwandiiko President kye yawadde Ssaabasajja kyokka ate nga tusuubira nti ne President yeetegereza ensonga eziri mu kiwandiiko Ssaabasajja Kabaka kye yamuwadde.

Ekiseera ekituufu bwe kinaatuuka, Katikkiro ajja kutegeeza Obuganda ebinaaba bivudde mu nteeseganya.  Mu kiseera kye kimu Katikkiro ayongedde n’akubiriza Obuganda okubeera obumu wamu n’okubeera abakkakkamu ennyo nga tulwanirira ebyaffe.

Mu ngeri y’emu nammwe ababaka ba Ssaabasajja ebweru wa Uganda, musaanye okukubiriza abantu be mutwala okubeera abakkakkamu ennyo tusobole ffenna okuwa omukisa enteeseganya ezitandise wakati wa Gavumenti ya Uganda n’Obwakabaka bwa Buganda, nga zigendererwamu okukola n’okugonjoola ensonga za Buganda zonna ezikyali mu ddiiro.

Ssaabasajja Kabaka Awangaale!

.

Letter from Mr. Nsambu Musisi

Abazaana n’abasajja ba Ssaabasajja,

Mbalamusizza nnyo nnyini era mbebaza emirimu gyemukola. Ate mbebaza ekyensusso obumu n’obuwagizi bwemulaze eri Ssaabasajja mu kasEera akabade akazibu. Ssabasajja gyaali ateredde ntEnde naye nga akyaali munakuwavu olw’Abantu be abaafa na balumizibwa mu kwekalakaasa okwaaliwo

1. Mbasaba musome ebbaluwa eri wansi weno nga eva ewa Owek Ssendaula nga eyogera kubiriwo kati. Nsaba mugisome.

Ntegezeddwa nti olw’okwagala okutekawo embeera ennungi ‘conducive environment’ eneyamba enteseganya wakati wa Ssaabasajja Kabaka ne President wa Uganda okugenda mu maaso,  kyandibadde kirungi singa Abaganda tugira tukyaleka ebyo ebibadde bikolebwa okulaga nti tuli benyamivu nga muno mwemuli n’okwekalakaasa.

Gavumenti ya Uganda nayo egambye nti egyakulekeraawo ebikolwa eby’okusomooza Buganda.

Kale no n’olwekyo kyandibade kirungi singa okwekalakaasa okubadde kugenda okuberawo e Bungereza kugira kuyimirizibwaamu. (Postponed).

2. Nebaza abo bonna abakawa ensimbi ez’okukubagiza amaka agafiirwa abantu baabwe mu kwekalakaasa. Abamu abatadde ensimbi ku ‘Bank Account’ tebalaga mannya gaabwe. Nsaba buli atadde ensimbi ku Account okumpereza amannyage tusobole okuwandiika olukalala lw’amannya getunawereza embuga nga tuwereza ensimbi zino ez’okukubagiza.

Mu kiseera kyekimu nsaba abo bonna abatanadukirila mulanga guno okugezaako okwayo obuyambi nga butekebwa ku ‘Bank Account’

Ssaabasajja Kabaka Awangaale

J Nsambu Musisi

Omubaka

PRESS RELEASE

Uganda: Troops Killed Unarmed People in Riot Period
No Lethal Force Necessary in at Least 13 Fatal Shootings

(Kampala, October 1, 2009) – The Ugandan government should immediately order an independent investigation into the killing of unarmed persons during and after riots in Kampala on September 10 and 11, 2009, Human Rights Watch said today.

A Human Rights Watch investigation found that at least 13 people were shot by government forces in situations where lethal force was unnecessary. The Minister of Internal Affairs reported to parliament that 27 people had died during the riots and that seven were uninvolved in riot activity.

“Shooting in self defense is one thing, but we found that some soldiers shot at bystanders and shot through locked doors,” said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The government needs to put an impartial investigation in motion now.”

The riots in Kampala, Uganda’s capital, began on September 10, when police blocked a delegation representing the Buganda kingdom from visiting Kayunga district. The cultural king of Buganda, known as the kabaka, was planning to visit Kayunga for National Youth Day two days later. The visit was opposed by leaders of the Banyala ethnic group in Kayunga, who reject the kabaka’s authority. The kabaka’s supporters took to the streets to protest the police action, and violence began soon afterward.

Sources at Kampala’s main hospital, Mulago, indicate that 88 victims of the violence were admitted for treatment over this period, most for gunshot wounds. Victims were taken to other hospitals as well. According to the minister of internal affairs, at least 846 people were arrested for alleged crimes committed during the riots, and the arrests continue. At least 24 of the alleged rioters have been charged with terrorism for destroying government property, and many others have been charged with unlawful assembly and inciting violence.

During and after the unrest, Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 50 victims and their family members, witnesses, doctors, and local and senior government officials. On-the-ground research was conducted into the circumstances surrounding the violence in the Kampala neighborhoods of Nateete, Kasubi, Busega, Ndeeba, Bwaise, Bunga, the Salaama Road at Nakinyuguzi zone, and in Mpigi town.

Human Rights Watch investigated several fatal and non-fatal shootings by security forces on September 10 and 11 that raise serious questions about the level of force employed in response to the riots. In a number of cases throughout the city, there is strong evidence that security forces shot individuals who were not threatening them or others.

This challenges statements by some government officials that live ammunition was only fired into the air to clear the streets of protesters.

However, President Yoweri Museveni, addressing parliament on September 10, after the riots broke out, contended that “initially police acted slowly” in response to the unrest. “Looters,” he said, “will be shot on sight, as will those who attack civilians.”

Human Rights Watch said that investigations should look into the circumstances of the rioting and into how to improve policing during demonstrations. Thus far, there is no clear evidence to support the contention of some Ugandan government officials that the Kampala riots were organized in advance. The Buganda kingdom government has denied any role in organizing the riots. Some rioters do appear to have employed parallel tactics, such as burning tires to block roads in several areas of the city, especially on the afternoon of September 10.

Human Rights Watch urged the police and other security forces to abide by the United Nations Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials. The principles call upon law enforcement officials, including military units responding to national emergencies, to apply nonviolent means before resorting to the use of force, to use force only in proportion to the seriousness of the offense, and to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable to protect life. The principles also provide that governments shall ensure that arbitrary or abusive use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials is punished as a criminal offense under their law.

“Much of the attention has focused on the politics surrounding recent events,” said Gagnon. “But the real tragedy is that families have lost loved ones in entirely unnecessary circumstances. They deserve to see justice done.”

Violence and the Response

Human Rights Watch found that in the early stages of the demonstrations on September 10, some protesters resorted to violence in some areas of Kampala, burning at least five cars, one passenger bus, and one delivery truck, blocking some main roads with burning tires and debris, looting shops, and throwing rocks at police and members of the armed forces. In Nateete, protesters burned a police station. In Bwaise, a factory was set on fire. No one was reported injured in either fire, and local hospitals did not report any burn victims. Police, some in riot gear, used teargas in several areas of the city.

Uganda’s inspector general of police (IGP), Maj. Gen. Kale Kayihura, told Human Rights Watch that military police and the army’s Presidential Guard Brigade were deployed under his orders to support the police beginning at around 4 p.m. on September 10, and that infantry soldiers were deployed in support shortly thereafter. Kayihura said that these units fired live ammunition into the air to scatter rioters.

Human Rights Watch’s research indicates that the security forces faced some situations in which the use of firearms may have been warranted. One witness described seeing a rioter steal a civilian security guard’s gun near Kampala Bus Park on September 10 and shoot a policeman in the leg. Kayihura provided two other instances, in Nateete and Sseta, where rioters fired on the security forces. It remains unclear if anyone was injured in those two instances, and those events were not investigated by Human Rights Watch.

Kayihura told Human Rights Watch that, while all government forces had been ordered to use minimum force, non-lethal options such as rubber bullets and pepper spray are not standard issue in all police posts. He claimed that the security forces had few alternatives to shooting live ammunition into the air. Other knowledgeable sources in the police told Human Rights Watch that the police stocks of tear gas had run low and that officials feared they lacked the means to secure the city without using firearms.

Where Lethal Force Was Not Necessary

However, among the episodes that raise serious questions about the use of force, in Bwaise on September 10, local people gathered to observe the fire brigade fight a fire set by rioters earlier that afternoon. An army armored personnel carrier drove by the crowd and the troops on board fired, striking Hussein Mujuuka in the back of the head and killing him instantly. At least 10 others were wounded by the gunfire. Several witnesses told Human Rights Watch that local residents responded by burning tires along the Bwaise-Kampala Road. They said that shootings by the military continued during the evening hours in Bwaise and that many other people were wounded. Deaths from military gunfire also occurred the same day in Kawempe, Nakulabye, Mulago, and the Ndeeba areas of Kampala.

Security forces using live ammunition caused many injuries and at least six deaths on September 11. Witnesses and victims told Human Rights Watch that most Kampala communities were trying to return to normal business after the previous day’s unrest. However, soldiers heavily deployed both on foot and in armored personnel carriers in some areas of the city fired live ammunition. There is evidence in some instances that they deliberately shot and killed or wounded people who were not actively involved in demonstrations or unrest.

For example, military units, some accompanied by police forces deployed in Ndeeba that morning, apparently ordered people on the roads to return home. Over several hours, soldiers shot and killed one person and seriously wounded two more. In each case, the victims were shot after they had entered their homes or workplaces. Witnesses said that soldiers apparently pursued people several hundred meters from the main roads and fired their weapons through locked doors. However, no official curfew had been imposed.

Kinaalwa Sseddulaaka Jackson, the owner of a dry cleaning shop about 100 meters from the Masaka road in Tomusange zone, Ndeeba, hid in his back storage room and locked the back door when an army armored personnel carrier entered Ndeeba and soldiers on board began shooting. A few minutes later, a uniformed soldier walked through the area and fired his AK-47 through Sseddulaaka’s back door, killing him instantly. Human Rights Watch researchers saw two bullet holes in that door, as well as five other bullet holes in doors and walls in the neighborhood. All were in the lower half of the doors and walls.

Soldiers and police also deployed around Nateete market that morning, closing the main gate even though the market was filled with food vendors and customers. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that uniformed soldiers, some wearing the red berets of the military police, began to attack people with sticks and batons, and ordered them to clear the streets and return home. Several women selling matoke (plantains) showed Human Rights Watch large contusions and bruises from having been beaten while trying to flee.

The witnesses said that the soldiers then began firing their weapons, both in the air and into the crowds. One customer was killed and another wounded. One female vendor showed Human Rights Watch where she had been grazed by a bullet on her hip, requiring medical treatment. Human Rights Watch saw three bullet holes in the market walls and three others through its iron roof sheeting.

In Busega, an area dense with open-air shops and stalls, soldiers shot and killed two people in separate incidents that morning. Residents and officials reported that on the previous day, rioters in the area had blocked roads with fires and demanded money from those trying to enter Kampala by car. Rioters had looted a Coca Cola truck and burned it. The situation calmed by 7 p.m. that day, and the shops along the road had reopened. Witnesses said the area had remained calm the next morning until a military armored personnel carrier and military and police trucks drove through, in some cases telling people to clear the streets and return home. The shops closed quickly when soldiers in the personnel carrier began firing live bullets, but 13-year-old Daoudi Ssentongo was struck in the head and killed inside his family’s shop when a bullet ripped through a refrigerator next door. His death triggered more demonstrations, and members of the community tried to block the personnel carrier from re-entering the area by burning debris in the road.

Near where the youth died, soldiers on foot chased people away from the main roundabout, evidently to arrest or deter rioters. Soldiers pursued several young men who ran away. Ronald Kasagga, who supplied ice to the area’s fish vendors, was fatally shot in the chest at close range by a soldier. Witnesses said that the soldier yelled “Stop!” and that when Kasagga turned around, the soldier fired.

Around 11 a.m. on September 11 in Kasubi zone 4, rioters had been taunting nearby soldiers and throwing rocks near a gas station on the main road, witnesses said. When the soldiers pursued them, they ran up the hill, past the home of Stella Kabasinguzi, who had left her house briefly, seeking bread for her three children. The soldiers approached her home, and Kabasinguzi immediately raised her hands in the air. A soldier shot her, in front of her children. She died on the way to the hospital. Human Rights Watch observed three bullet holes through doors in other homes in zone 4, more than 100 meters from the main road where riots had occurred. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that a soldier on foot demanded that people go inside their homes, and shot through the doors when some hesitated.

Throughout the city on September 11, soldiers and police threatened and beat people to obtain information about the whereabouts of alleged rioters. A woman making tea outside her restaurant in Ndeeba was questioned by a uniformed soldier carrying an AK-47. According to several people interviewed separately, when she did not have answers to his questions, he poured the hot tea on her back. He then stuck the gun barrel into her mouth and demanded to know where rioters were hiding. She escaped only after bystanders diverted his attention.

Nile Broadcasting Services broadcast video of police and military patrolling areas on September 11, beating people sitting and standing near their homes in Kazo and throwing them into the backs of police trucks. The authorities did not request names or identity documents before arresting them. In one instance, when a man protested being forcibly removed from his home, he was beaten repeatedly. Police took truckloads of suspects to Kawempe police station. Human Rights Watch researchers observed similar actions on Salaama Road that afternoon.

On September 10, government officials told television stations to stop broadcasting live pictures of the violence. In some instances, government forces forcibly removed video footage from TV stations, appropriated journalists’ cameras and videotapes, and deleted photographs of dead bodies. Some journalists were beaten attempting to report on the unfolding events. The state-owned newspaper, The New Vision, inaccurately reported that mobs had on September 11 burned two people to death in Ndeeba. Local officials from Ndeeba and other knowledgeable sources informed Human Rights Watch that no rioters had burned people, but The New Vision has yet to issue corrections.

The Police Explanation

Police Inspector General Kayihura told Human Rights Watch that the police lacked capacity to respond to the speed and geographical breadth of the events of September 10. Unrest in previous years had centered on Kampala’s Central Business District and had not extended into the populous residential neighborhoods. He said that Uganda’s military police, the Presidential Guard Brigade, and regular army units had both the equipment and the mobility to respond to the unrest. He said that the military police, like the civilian police, have had training in riot control, and that the armored personnel carriers were deployed to help move units around the suburbs where riots were taking place. He said the Ugandan military possesses four of these vehicles – two Gila and two Mamba anti-riot vehicles, which can also be used for “fighting terrorism and insurgency.”

Kayihura said that seven of the 27 reported killed during the riots were not involved in the riots at the time of their deaths, and that they were hit by “stray bullets.” He told Human Rights Watch that the deaths were unfortunate and regrettable, but that the security forces had shown restraint in their response to the unrest. He said that two policemen had been arrested for shooting in the air in Kasubi (the arrests appear unrelated to the death of Kabasinguzi). He said that investigations would be conducted into the circumstances of all the deaths during the riots, but also cited section 69 of Uganda’s penal code, which states that police may use “all such force as is reasonably necessary for overcoming” a riot and police “shall not be liable in any criminal or civil proceeding for having, by the use of such force, caused harm or death to any person.”

According to statements quoted in The New Vision newspaper by the army spokesman, Lt. Col. Felix Kulayigye, military units were deployed under article 209(b) of the constitution, which states that the Ugandan People’s Defence Forces shall “cooperate with the civilian authority in emergency situations” and that once deployed, they act under orders of the inspector general of police.” Kulayigye contended that the situation was “a war” and that the riots had had “genocidal tendencies.” He placed blame for the deaths on the alleged organizers of the riots, but admitted that “the moment the bullet leaves the barrel, anything could happen beyond there.”

Human Rights Watch is deeply concerned that Kulayigye’s statement might encourage members of the security forces to use unnecessary and unlawful lethal force during future encounters with demonstrators.

Museveni told an emergency session of parliament on September 15 that the government will compensate those who lost their properties and vehicles, and it will also assist those who lost family members.

Recommendations

Human Rights Watch urged the government of Uganda to take the following actions:

• Publicly acknowledge and condemn recent shootings of unarmed people by members of the security forces.
• Undertake an independent and impartial investigation into the actions of all soldiers and police alleged to have perpetrated human rights abuses during the September riots. Prosecute those against whom there is sufficient evidence in accordance with international fair trial standards.
• Issue clear public instructions to all government forces involved in policing to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable to protect human life.
• Seek out non-lethal options for police and military responding to demonstrations and protests, and ensure those options are standard issue for police stations.

Human Rights Watch urged donors to the Ugandan government, especially members of the Partners for Democracy and Governance Working Group, to take the following actions:

• Publicly express concern about human rights abuses committed by members of the military and police during the September riots.
• Urge government leaders to hold accountable, in accordance with international fair trial standards, members of the security forces implicated in human rights violations.
• Support the police in acquiring non-lethal options for riot response and ensure that relevant personnel from the police and military receive adequate training.

Background

The role of cultural royalty such as the kabaka in Uganda has been the source of debate historically. President Milton Obote outlawed all cultural leaders in 1966, but Museveni permitted them to return in 1995. Under the constitution, cultural leaders are barred from politics, but they still wield influence over their communities. The kabaka is the king of the Baganda people, the largest ethnic group in Uganda and a key constituency in the upcoming 2011 elections. Since independence, some Baganda political leaders have argued that the Buganda kingdom should be a federal state within Uganda.

Accounts from Victims and Witnesses of Shootings during Recent Kampala Riots

“It was 9 a.m. when I was returning from the village where we buried my friend Deo, who was shot and killed in Ndeeba on Thursday during the riots. When I arrived back to town, I saw a group of soldiers and men in civilian clothes with guns and sticks walking along the road. I ran to the other side of the road and to find a place to hide. The soldiers began to hit us with batons and kick us. They were beating other people in the road as well. I ran away and noticed I had a cut on my head from the baton, and I was bleeding. My friend and I went off the main road and hid by locking ourselves into a storage room near a friend’s shop. We heard the soldier’s footsteps and then he yelled, “Open the door!” I said, “But if we come out, you are going to beat us again.” He said, “You think bullets cannot reach you in there?” Then he fired his gun through the door. A bullet hit the inside of my arm and then entered my stomach and I fell down.”
- Gunshot victim in Ndeeba, September 11

“Things were calm in Mpigi that day. We heard about what was happening in Kampala and someone had lit two tires on fire, but the cars could pass. Faisal and I were standing on the veranda. The soldiers came in a government vehicle and started caning people. One soldier came carrying a stick and a gun. He threw the stick at a boy and then got out the gun. He pointed the gun towards us, and then fired at us two times. I ran and hid at a house nearby. And later, someone said that a man was killed. A bit later, I learned it was Faisal. He had been shot in the neck.”
- Witness to killing of Faisal Bukenya, September 10

“On Friday morning, I saw the boys throwing a few rocks at the soldiers, and then the soldiers started shooting in their direction. Eventually the soldiers rounded up a group of boys and held them at the petrol station. The soldiers were forcing the boys to jump up and down as punishment for throwing rocks. When they tried to move the group of unruly boys, some scattered and the military began shooting at them again. The woman with the three children was killed just then.”
- Witness to the killing of Stella Kabasinguzi, September 11

“She was just on the steps of her home on Friday morning. She had gone to collect some bread for the children. When she saw the soldiers, she threw her hands in the air, but he fired right at her and she fell. He was standing just a bit down from her.”
- Another witness to the killing of Stella Kabasinguzi, September 11

“I was here in the market, selling matoke on Friday morning around 8 a.m. Suddenly, the military came in and started beating people, telling everyone to leave the market. Even the security officer for the market was hit by batons from them. They even beat me very hard on the buttocks, while I was trying to run away. Some of them stole the money I had on the ground. Others started shooting into the market and a boy was hit and a man was killed.”
- Witness to killings and shooting in Nateete, September 11

List of fatal shootings investigated by Human Rights Watch
On September 10

1.            Hussein Mujuuka, shot through the eye by military in personnel carrier, in Bwaise

2.            Robert, Congolese national, shot by military near Qualicell Building in Kampala Bus Park

3.            John Bosco Kaagwa, shot in the back by military near Nakulabye trading center

4.            Ssadam Katongole, shot in the chest by the military at “Kubirri” – Mulago roundabout

5.            Deo Lutaaya, shot in Kabuusu by military in personnel carrier, near Petrol City, on Masaka Road

6.            Muganga Huzairu, shot in the abdomen in Nateete; died at Mulago hospital

7.            Faisal Bukenya, shot in the neck by a soldier in Mpigi Town

On September 11

8.            Ronald Kasagga, shot in the chest by military on foot near Busega roundabout

9.            Kinaalwa Sseddulaaka Jackson, killed by military on foot in Tomusange zone, Ndeeba

10.        Mustaifa Basajjabalaba, shot by military in Kitaka zone, Kibazo road, Busega

11.        Daoudi Ssentongo, killed by military in Busega roundabout

12.        Stella Kabasinguzi, killed by military in zone 4, Kasubi

13.        Customer shot by military in Nateete Market

Other deaths:

14.        Kakooza Hussein, beaten by the police in Nakamiro zone, Kazo, on September 11; died on September 17

Other fatal shootings reported in the media:

15.        Unnamed private security guard working for Saracen Security Company

16.        Patrick Kaijamurubi, military police, from Masindi, killed by a stray bullet shot by another military policeman while Kaijamurubi was fixing tire on his vehicle in Ndeeba

17.        Geoffrey Andama, high school student, shot at Shop Rite Supermarket, near the Clock Tower junction

18.        Benjamin Atere, 2 years old, died from gunshot on Mawanda Road in Mulago

19.        Frank Kafuma, sustained gunshot wounds at Nabweru in Kawempe division, died in Mulago

20.        Yawe Wesige Mukama, shot in Kawempe
To view a slide show of photos from the Kampala riots and their aftermath, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/features/uganda-riots

For more Human Rights Watch reporting on Uganda, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/africa/uganda

For more information, please contact:
In New York, Jon Elliott (English, French): +1-917-379-0713 (mobile)
In New York, Georgette Gagnon (English): +1-212-216-1223; or +1-917-535-0375 (mobile)
In Kampala, Maria Burnett (English, French): +256-7

In an exclusive communication to Buganda Post, a group of Baganda professionals based in Europe have announced that, they are constituting what they called a virtual court to start collecting evidence against Buganda occupiers and their collaborators. They call the virtual court, which includes both lawyers and other professionals,  Embuga Mununula (from effort to rescue Buganda). The members of Embuga Mununula claim that they have started the initiative in the name of their Kabaka although, obviously, he did not personally instruct them. They argue that, since Buganda is occupied by foreigners and Kabaka Mutebi’s movements are now controlled by a Rwandese mercenary, Kalyekezi Kayihura, their action is consistent with the tradition of fighting against occupation forces.

Among the prominent NRM government officials under investigation are Yoweri Tebaruha Museveni, Gilbert Balibaseka Bukenya, David Tinyefuza, Kahinda Otafiire, Kalyekezi Kayihura, Caleb Akandwanaho and John Nagenda. Over the next several months, evidence will be collected and potential witnesses identified, with a goal of building cases against key members of the occupation force and their collaborators. The applicable law will be a combination of English Law and native Buganda Law. For example, native Buganda Law provides for the death penalty on conviction of  treason and betraying Namulondo but also allows collective punishment, where the convict’s whole family is condemned as traitors.

According to the Embuga Mununula founders, as soon as Baganda gain the capacity administer fair trials and carry out appropriate punishments humanely, speedy open trials and sentencing will start. The group does not predict how long this will take. In fact they say that they are willing to continue building cases for as long as Buganda is under occupation. Even if a suspect dies the Baganda who have suffered through his actions will still want his estate to compensate the victims and, in some cases, members of his family to be punished according to native Buganda Law.

The first batch of high value personalities to be investigated first is shown below: