The Buganda Kingdom attorney general, Owek.  Apollo Makubuya said in a press statement yesterday that the second Buganda conference would take place on Saturday December 17, 2009. Owek. Makubuya, who chairs the organizing committee explained that the  conference would clarify the differences between Federalism, Decentralization and Regional Tier.  The theme of the conference is to promote federalism as the best form of governance for Uganda.

Decentralization is an improvised form of government which Jaberi Bidandi Ssali and Uganda’s warlord president, Yoweri Museveni, implemented in 1995, with the help of Denmark, Norway and other western countries. It was brought in to derail Buganda’s demands for a federal system (Federo). Regional Tier is a highly unpopular (in Buganda) form government which was secretly negotiated between Museveni and Katikkiro Mulwaanyamuli Ssemwogerere, which would have allowed Museveni to take charge of the Buganda government and for non-Baganda to assume the cultural office of Katikkiro.

When announcing the 2009 Buganda Conference, Owek. Makubuya revealed that federalists from the USA, UK and Nigeria were expected to participate in the conference. Participants are also expected from Busoga, Bunyoro, Toro, the Diaspora and academia. Owek. Makubuya suggested that Buganda is politically isolated and promised to fix the problem by making it clear that Buganda is not demanding for Federo alone.”

Two weeks ago, a retired former Buganda Government official currently visiting in North America, told us that there are three camps at Mmengo on the issue of Buganda political situation. He said: “The situation is similar to administration of Katikkiro Michael Kintu in the early 1960’s. Kintu and his supporters pushed for Buganda independence, arguing that all our neighbors secretly hated or envied Buganda and could not be honest partners in the long run. They were accused of being ‘radicals’, not accommodating and even ‘uncivilized’. Today, it is Muzei Nsubuga Nsambu in the camp which is accused of the same because he insists that Buganda must not repeat past mistakes and the solution is secession.”

The elderly grandfather continued: “Opposite to Kintu’s camp, in 1960, was a larger camp which was ‘more educated’ and liberal camp, which promoted ‘Federo for all who want it’. Mayanja Nkangi, who now helps Museveni manipulate Buganda’s lands, was one of these young firebrands and ended up becoming Katikkiro. Even today the second camp are viewed as the more educated and modern and, like 45 year ago, they are  pushing hard for ‘Federo for all who want it’.  History is repeating itself 100% except that Museveni is more sinister and dishonest than the colonialists or Obote.

“The third camp, both in 1960 and now, are those who either do not have enough information or enough courage to push for one side or another. Thanks to Buganda’s democratic traditions, all camps are expected to have their say at the Buganda Conference in December. Also expected is heavy infiltration of occupation government agents, to intimidate people and influence events.”

President Museveni’s propaganda team were wise to bar all Uganda TV stations from broadcasting the proceedings at the NRM’s independence day celebrations on October 9, 2009 at Kololo Airstrip.  That is because, this year’s ceremony saw the smallest crowd of ordinary Ugandans in the 47 years since the British granted independence to Uganda on October 9, 2009. Leaving out the many security or government officials and about 60 boda boda’s, approximately 900 ordinary people attended. Notably, even with this small crowd, the majority wore yellow NRM party tee shirts which were given out free in poor areas to entice people to come to the event.

Conspicuously absent were foreign dignitaries from Libya and neighboring countries. Even the so called cultural leaders, who Museveni supports financially, stayed home – Omukama of Toro, Omukama of Bunyoro, Kyabazinga of Busoga, Omorimor of Teso and Rwot of Acholi. The only non-government VIPs present were a few diplomats accredited to Uganda, junior officials from Kenya, Tanzania and Southern Sudan plus Mr. Museveni’s own Ssabaluri Mwogeza Butamanya (coincidentally, it literally translates to  ”the one who speaks with ignorance”) and Sabanyala Kimeze.

State House Panic and Propaganda Plan

On October 7, 2009, Mr. Museveni’s statehouse received reliable information that over 10,000 people had greeted Kabaka Mutebi in Mityana (Ssingo county), on his way to the Buganda independence event in Mubende, Buwekula county. They knew right away that Kabaka’s crowds could embarrass Museveni at the Uganda independence celebrations on the 9th. So, they turned their attention to controlling the news about Kabaka Mutebi’s activities.

According to our sources in Mr. Meseveni’s ISO, the plan which was hatched by Tamale Mirundi, Robert Kobushenga, Kabakumba Matsiko and a certain Mafabi included 5 main elements: (a) Minimize the crowd in any pictures of Kabaka Mutebi’s crowds if shown in government newspapers. (b) Use physical barriers to force the crowd at Kololo into a relatively small but longish area just below Upper Kololo Terrace road so that the numbers can look big in photos taken from a low angle; (c) Have Mr. Museveni enter the ceremonies through the crowd area, so that we can take photos showing many people around the president, (d) force all major media outlets to broadcast the events at Kololo, using a single audio/video feed from the government’s Uganda Broadcasting Corporation (UBC), and (e) strengthen enforcement of the rules which Godfrey Mutabazi had placed on radio stations, barring any praise of Kabaka or Buganda.

The Monitor Does Not Cooperate

On October 8 and 9, New Vision and Bukedde reported on Kabaka’s tour of Buwekula but omitted any mention of Buganda Independence celebrations, only referring to bulungi bwa nsi (national service) but without translating it to English. Also, they have avoided any picture which show the huge crowds that the Kabaka attracted in Mubende or Mityana. The crowd at the main Mubende celebrations was approximately 25,000 people.

In a sign that the Aga Khan’s The Monitor newspaper editors may be starting to rethink their anti-Buganda sentiments, they defied Museveni and published a photo showing Kabaka Mutebi with thousands of his subjects jubilating around him. Furthermore, they published parts of the Kabaka’s tough “47 Years Wasted” speech, although with incorrect translation in some parts (see “Kabaka Mutebi Disowns Katikkiro’s Apologetic Tone“).

Ghost NRM Independence Day Celebrations

On October 9, Mr. Museveni’s worst fears came to pass. Despite the efforts of his propaganda people, the 900 or so crowd was to small for anyone to ignore. However, state house forced WBS TV, NTV, and NBS to suspend regularly scheduled programming and transmit the UBC TV feed from Kololo live for over 5 hours. And the UBC camera were continuously glued on the marching troops and the VIPs, skipping the miserable crowd. And in a sign that Museveni is losing confidence, he gave his shortest independence day speech ever even though the event lasted from 10:00AM to 3:30 AM.

Uncharacteristically, Museveni read his independence day speech strictly from the script, without any of his trademark long strays to abuse or threaten Baganda, aid donors and others. Also, although he had been fully briefed about Kabaka Mutebi’s statement that Buganda has gained nothing out of 47 years of independence, the Uganda warlord did not mention the subject at all (see “Kabaka Mutebi Disowns Katikkiro’s Apologetic Tone“).

Museveni’s speech included nothing he has not said over the last few years.

• He boasted of his record on education and raised eyebrows when he interpreted the rampant unemployment in Uganda as a sign of his successes, saying: “We no longer have to be frustrated by these people who don’t want to work. You find a problem person somewhere, you act, get rid of that person and get another one because they are many here now.”
• He pledged, as he has done numerous since 1986, that he will fight corruption. But immediately warned that the war on corruption, which is now much worse now than in 1986, will not be won overnight but through a protracted struggle. This time, he spared judges and the police and blamed accountants, auditors and accounting officers for the persistent corruption. However, he promised his outwardly bored audience that he has new army of young “clean” accountants and auditor to lead the war on graft. He did not mention where the got their education or earned their professional experience.
• He made the “obvious” observation that recent oil discoveries would increase self-reliance and make Uganda less dependent on foreign aid.
• Mr. Museveni (once again) revealed that problem of theft of drugs is a serious problem in the health sector. He did not mention the status of the corruption charges against his ministers and NRM stalwarts Michael Mukula and Jim Muwhezi.

Museveni’s Colonel’s on Empty Stomachs

The otherwise dull event could not end without typical Ugandan breakdown. The man in charge of the parade at the very long ceremonies, UPDF’s Col. Peter Ekweru, fainted and fell on his face due to hunger and exhaustion. Sources could not confirm how a whole colonel could command an important national parade on a empty stomach.

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Moses Musana: Abakenyi, Buganda Future, Appeal to Katikkiro

Dear BP,

I wish to tell my fell Baganda about my people and our concern about our future.  I am one of the Baganda group called Abakenyi or Abakeni. A long time ago our Baganda ancestors run away to Bugerere, Busoga and Teso because of problems with the Kabaka at that time. Over the last 10 years our elders are working to bring us back into the Baganda community and some progress has happened but not enough. But for  most of us our future is best back in Buganda because we are Baganda. That is why we are worried about the future of Buganda, because it should be our future too.

One reason why President Museveni manages to create division in Baganda is that when he bribes Banyala or Baluuli leaders to demand separation from Buganda, the Katikkiro and his government only quarrel and complain. But they should do research and show that staying in Buganda is much better. Here in Bugerere Banyala are not the majority and most even prefer to be part of Buganda. But the people in Mengo are not willing or able to get these facts and use them in public relations. They think that strengthening Baganda is taking Museveni money and giving people hoes and seeds. They don’t realize that Museveni wants them to stay on hoes and seeds while he settles Banyankore, Banyarwanda and Sudanese in places like Bugerere. When Katikiro Walusimbi brings Kabaka Mutebi to Bugerere to give out hoes and seeds, it is possible that more of Museveni’s Sudanese will get the items than Baganda (Banyala and Bakenyi included) because of local LC and police connections. Banyankore, Bakiga or Banyarwanda control most  police posts in Buganda and share bribes with local LCs.

I appeal to Katikiro Walusimbi to look in his heart and start working for the true Buganda. The true Buganda are the Baganda communities who are 95% very poor and being terrorized by Mr. Museveni’s policies on corruption, money laundering, land grabbing and giving nearly all local security control in Buganda to people from the West.  Katikiro, you should embrace all Buganda’s native communities like Banyala, Baruli, Bakenyi, Bavuma, etc. and use them as key members of  Buganda. You should also make clear what long-term future Mengo is working on for Buganda, so that all of us can know what to expect which is not Museveni’s “Buganda becomes Central Region and Kabaka Goes” future. Right now, the future you talk is only 3 months long – the next harvest of beans from the seeds Kabaka is giving out in the Omumuli program.  If the rains do not come and the beans die, what happens next? Are we not talking about who will get the feet of our cow when we kill it while thieves are running away with the whole animal?

Awangaale Sabasajja.

Moses Musana
8 May 09

Badru Kazibwe: Thanks and Praying for Buganda

Dear Sir/Madam,

I want to thank you very much for making the chance for Baganda to say what they feel without censuring. The English and Luganda newspapers is Uganda today will never print a letter from if it deeply talks about what Baganda must do to become free. They only allow letters praising Museveni or making the usual weak complaining about land, 2011 elections and federo. 

I pray that many Baganda will use the chance to tell everyone about the way Museveni and his people have robbed our country Buganda which now has nothing. Also, that you will be able to have Kabaka Mutebi and Owek. Walusimbi to read these letters and know live what is really going on with Baganda.

Wangaala Ssabasajja.

Badru Kazibwe, Boston.

This is a follow up to our article of December 28, 2008 on the great Buganda county of Kyadondo. This article is about the great frontier county of Kyaggwe.  Last time we told you that since 1966 Uganda governments have worked hard to destroy the idea of Buganda’s counties or masaza (singular: ssaza). Presidents Obote, Amin and more recently Museveni have all established administrative units to cut up Buganda and create a system destroying the geographic integrity of Buganda and thereby make the continued existence of the kingdom impractical (see The Great County of  Kyadondo, Buganda article).

Buganda is divided into 18 counties or masaza: Buddu,  Bugerere, Bulemeezi, Buluuli, Busiro, Busujju, Butambala, Buvuma, Buweekula, Gomba,  Kabula, Kooki, Kyaddondo, Kyaggwe, Mawogola, Mawokota, Ssese, Ssingo (see The Great County of  Kyadondo, Buganda for more on masaza).
The purpose of this and other related articles is to educate our readers about the great counties of Buganda and to showcase the huge success that Kabaka Mutebi and his officials at Mmengo have achieved in their reestablishment. Kabaka Mutebi has appointed hundreds of chiefs to the various official positions and many have been operational for years.

Kyaggwe is one of the frontier counties of Buganda because it has a border, River Nile, with Busoga to the east. And, although the island counties of Buvuma and Ssese are south of Kyaggwe, one can cross directly from Kyaggwe into Tanzania to the south. In the north Kyaggwe boarders with Bugerere. Kyaggwe enjoys abundant rains and heavy vegetation. It is the home of the famous Mabira forest, a sacred forest in Buganda culture. However, thanks to rampant corruption and Uganda government disinterest in the environment since the 1990’s, Kyaggwe is one the Buganda counties whose climate is fast deteriorating.

Bweyogerere, Mukono, Namiryango, Njeru, Kawolo, Namagunga, Seeta, Lugazi,  Kyetume, Mabira, Mbalala and Namawojolo are all places in Kabaka’s county of Kyaggwe. Also, if you know anyone who is from  Kisoga, Banda, Katosi, Mpumu, Nakisunga, Namawojjolo, Matale, Buikwe, Bugoma, Nagojje or Nyenga then learn that they come from Kyaggwe. The natives of Kyaggwe are known as Banakyaggwe.

VITAL STATISTICS

Leadership
Chief’s Title: Ssekiboobo
Current Chief: Hajji K.Y. Mubiru (Acting)
Deputy Ssekiboobo:

Headquarters

Mukono – about 23 Kilometers (14 miles) on Kampala/JInja Road.
Contact: 077-232-9792

Bordering Counties/Nations
Kyadondo (West), Bugerere (North), Busoga Nation (East), Buvuma (South), Ssese (South)

Gombolola Information

Next to come will be Bulemeezi county. Send suggestions, comments or questions to info@bugandapost.com.

Two independent sources with connections to the Uganda President’s state house have sent emails to this writer revealing Mr. Museveni’s plan to use the current confusion around the Kyabazinga elections and create 11 separate  minor kingdoms out of Busoga. According to the more detailed source, Mr. Museveni decided to personally interfere with the Kyabazinga  elections to make sure that the Basoga clans do not agree on a single clan head to lead Busoga.

“Mr. Museveni cannot allow a strong Kyabazinga to emerge in Busoga at this time since it would create the risk of Basoga developing nationalistic tendencies and maybe even starting thinking in a block like Baganda. That is why he intends to give a new car to  each of the warring clan leaders who declares his county a separate kingdom. Like his Sabanyala and Sabaluuli in Buganda each minor king would also get a monthly payment of 5 million shillings ($2,610).

The strategy is to create 11 weak minor kingdoms in Busoga who owe their survival to Mr. Museveni. Then connect them to Sabanyala and Sabaluuli to more effectively fight Buganda nationalism in the long term. In the short term, it would also disorganize DP and  FDC and other opposition structures in a  Busoga that is no more.”

According to the sources, Mr. Museveni was visibly happy over the weekend after he met Basoga clan leaders for the second time in less than two months. The meeting is supposed to have agreed to hold a re-run of the  Kyabazinga elections which took place on October 31, 2008. However, Mr. Museveni is reportedly very confident that the Basoga will never agree and that is why he is preparing to help each of them create his own kingdom, making today’s Busoga history.

The Busoga monarchy was created by British colonialists in 1906 out of  a collection of small municipalities, each with its own hereditary ruler. The throne to the resulting Busoga kingdom is supposed to be held by a descendant of one of the municipalities on a rotating basis. The sitting Busoga king is called the Isebantu Kyabazinga. The first ruler of a united Busoga was a Muganda called Semei Kakungulu, of Mmamba clan. Kakungulu’s regime lasted from July 1906 to January 1914 when he handed over to a Musoga, Isebantu Kyabazinga OBODHA.

The last Kyabazinga of Busoga, Henry Wako Muloki, died on September 1, 2008 at the age of  87. On October 31, six clan leaders  elected Edward Columbus Wambuzi Muloki to replace his late father, Henry Wako Muloki. The remaining 5 boycotted the elections, calling them illegal under Basoga culture. It is this conflict which gave Mr. Museveni the opening to interfere even though, according to his own Uganda constitution, as a politician, he is not supposed to interfere with cultural issues such as the election of a Kyabazinga.

In June 2008 I asked one of Buganda’s best strategic thinkers today the following question: “Given how things work with African, how can Buganda be taken seriously when it does not have an army?”. He gave me a reply that left me with mixed feelings of confusion and curiosity. He said, “You are mistaken. Buganda has an army, more disciplined and ready than Museveni’s UPDF or presidential guard (PGB). They are trained, they understand Buganda’s enemies from the inside and they are angry. The only missing piece is a serious Katikkiro to show them direction.”

After three months of investigation, it appears that former professor’s analysis was right on the money.  Actually a huge majority of Baganda in Museveni’s UPDF can convert to Buganda Defense Forces (BDF) overnight without much persuasion. Because the UPDF is not a professional army, the Baganda in it have received some of the best training but face excessive discrimination and most of them, like other Baganda youths, are very loyal to Kabaka. They are frustrated and, when Museveni’s system starts crumbling, they are willing to fight for a new order where Buganda is free to decide her future. And, after the Museveni nightmare, they are unwilling to follow the leadership of another smooth talking non-Muganda commander. Besigye is seen as no different than Museveni.

Probably the most educative source of information during my investigation was the series of interviews that I had with an active senior Muganda UPDF officer and close family friend. He explained that the UPDF is not a professional army, say like Kenya’s, because Museveni intentionally structured it to avoid a military coup. “And he succeeded because we do not have officer messes, a modern commissary, sports clubs or other things where officers or men can get to know and trust each other and their commanders. There is a total lack of trust among officers and men, made worse by the excessive tribalism and corruption by westerners and Banyarwanda who are mostly interested in stealing money and running businesses. That is why you can see a 25 year old Second Lieutenant from Nyabushozi with a huge house and several cars while a Colonel from Buganda or the North travels by boda boda.”  A military coup is nearly impossible because there is no real command-and-control in the UPDF and many important decisions are based on rumors and even advice from witch doctors.

The senior UPDF officers revealed that even Museveni is not sure of the UPDF force size because he has allowed the enlistment of ghost soldiers and foreigners for so many years. However, the officer  estimated that if one counts both active and retired combatants the effective number is about 100,000, with at least 20,000 of them being Baganda proper.  And there are many quality Baganda commissioned and non-commissioned officers since “most of us don’t have the opportunities to be corrupt and try to advance through training while most westerners think that it interrupts with their business activities.” Apparently there are also thousands of Baganda veterans who have served under a command and who would be ready to contribute when activated. Many of these, now taxis drivers, boda boda drivers, market vendors and artisans are very bitter about the way Museveni and his people have cheated Buganda and mistreated Kabaka Mutebi.

On who would command the so called Buganda Defense Forces or BDF, the senior military man said: “It is much simpler than you think. These nearly 10,000 or so Baganda fighters would follow any Muganda who has charisma so long as it is clear that the individual is loyal to Kabaka and has Buganda’s interest at heart. Baganda in the UPDF found out much earlier than the rest of you that Uganda is a failed state, after Museveni could not guarantee them salaries. We just don’t know what to do when Mmengo is as corrupt as Nakasero. If there is a Katikkiro who is 100% loyal to Kabaka and has the brains to understand the situation as well as show capacity to be a commander, we can do the rest. Buganda is our only home and the rest of the UPDF is too disorganized to be a problem for us. Also remember that our friends from Acholi, Busoga, Teso or Lango now know that despite the current corruption and cowardice in Mmengo ordinary Baganda are no longer cowards.”

The military veteran, who aspires to retire in the BDF, made one other interesting observation: “Remember that a band of Banyarwanda, who had a strong cause, took NRA equipment 400 Kms to hostile Hutu-led Rwanda and took power. Why should better trained Baganda who are already in very friendly home territory equipped with Ugandan arms stockpiles in Kyadondo, Busiro, Buddu, Buwekula and Buluuli and Bulemeezi not have it even easier. You see, as Uganda continues to fail, our cause to save Buganda and to never allow outsiders to terrorize us becomes stronger. The only thing missing is a leader in Mmengo who has the natural intelligence and patriotism of Muliika as well as the sophistication to assure Buganda that he is 100% obedient to Kabaka. If such serious leadership exists under Kabaka when things start to fall apart Okwonko style, a new BDF could take shape overnight and bring immediate order in the 18 counties of Buganda.”

In an apparent jab at Kabaka Mutebi, President Museveni’s primer minister, Apollo Nsibambi praised the late Kyabazinga of Busoga, Henry Mulooki for “following the national constitution and not engaging in politics, like other cultural leaders I will not mention.” Nsibambi was representing Mr. Museveni’s government at the Sunday funeral services for the late Kyabazinga at the Church of Uganda cathedral in Bugembe, outside Jinja.

Early in 2007, Ssabasajja Kabaka, Ronald Muwenda Mutebi rejected Mr. Museveni’s planned amendments to the Land Act of 1998, which would, among other things, enable Banyankore, Bakiga, Rwandese, Indians and others to permanently take 9,000 square miles of Buganda native lands. The Kabaka also instructed his subjects to oppose the draft bill. Frustrated that Baganda are massively obeying their Kabaka and opposing the proposed law amendments, Mr. Museveni and his assistants accuse Kabaka Mutebi of playing politics and breaking the constitution. In July 2008, Mr. Museveni’s government kidnapped three Kabaka’s officials who have spoken out against Mr. Museveni’s land reforms and illegally tortured and held them in captivity for nearly a week. They were later charged with sedition but the cases appear to have been abandoned by Mr. Museveni.

Prime Minister Nsibambi’s veiled attack on Kabaka Mutebi took place in the presence of the Kabaka’s wife the Nnabagereka of Buganda, Sylvia Nnaginda and Deputy Katikkiro of Buganda, Emmanuel Ssendaula. Nsibambi is himself a Muganda, of Ffumbe (civet cat) clan and used to be a highly respected Kabaka’s official before being appointed Prime Minister by Mr. Museveni.

The late Kyabazinga of Busoga who died on September 1, 2008 will be given a state funeral, the government of Uganda has announced. Yesterday, the Uganda Parliament paid tribute to the Kyabazinga of Busoga, Henry Wako Muloki, for his contributions to Uganda. Uganda government has declared the burial date, Monday, September 8, 2008 a public holiday. President Museveni is expected to attend. The Kyabazinga’s casket is expected to be covered in the Uganda flag and to be escorted by the police convoy.

The Kyabazinga’s body is lying in state at Parliament from September 3, to September 4, 2008 before leaving for other ceremonies in Busoga late Thursday. While in Parliment government officials, dignitaries and the public have had the opportunity to view the body and sign a condolence book.

In the meantime, Busoga officials announced on Wednesday that the Kingdom’s Prime Minister, Mr Wilson Muwereza, will act as the Kyabazinga for a period of 90 days after the burial of Muloki. After this temporary period the clan leaders of Busoga will start the process of selecting the next Kyabazinga.

The 87 year old monarch died yesterday of cancer of the esophagus and the spinal cord at Mulago Hospital, Kampala. The cancer, which troubled the Kyabazinga for about 10 years, has kept him in and out of hospitals in Germany, India and Uganda.

The Kyabazinga of Busoga, Henry Wako Muloki is dead. The 87 year old monarch died yesterday of cancer of the esophagus and the spinal cord at Mulago Hospital, Kampala. The cancer, which troubled the Kyabazinga for about 10 years, has kept him in and out of hospitals in Germany, India and Uganda.

Muloki gained the Busoga the throne in 1995 after a bitter wrangle with rival Kiregeya and in October of the same year, the Uganda Government formally recognized him as the official Kyabazinga (equivalent to king) of Busoga. The deceased was born in 1921 and attended King’s College Budo in Buganda. His wife, Inebantu Alice, passed away in November 2005.

The Busoga monarchy was created by British colonialists in 1906 out of  a collection of small municipalities, each with its own hereditary ruler. The throne to the resulting Busoga kingdom is supposed to be held by a descendant of one of the municipalities on a rotating basis. The sitting Busoga king is called the Isebantu Kyabazinga. The first ruler of a united Busoga was a Muganda called Semei Kakungulu, of Mmamba clan. Kakungulu’s regime lasted from from July 1906 to January 1914 when he handed over to a Musoga, Isebantu Kyabazinga OBODHA.

Funeral arrangements started on Sunday and are expected to be completed before Wednesday. Preliminary drafts suggest the ceremony will be held on Saturday September 6 or Sunday or September 7, 2008. There is no word yet if the Kyabazinga will be given a Uganda state funeral.

The United States DOD has defined an occupied territory as:

Territory under the authority and effective control of a belligerent armed force. The term is not applicable to territory being administered pursuant to peace terms, treaty, or other agreement, express or implied, with the civil authority of the territory.

We argue that even a casual but sober review of Uganda’s political history should lead to the conclusion that the aggrieved people of Buganda, under their Kabaka (king) have a case to declare their nation an occupied territory under the authority of a belligerent armed force.

• Fact: Buganda has internationally recognizable boundaries that in 1967 were not in dispute by any of her neighbors (Tanzania, Busoga, Bunyoro, Ankole, Tooro and Lango).
• Fact: The natives of Buganda constitute a distinguishable nation, with distinct cultural practices, national language and customary laws that developed over more than 500 years ago.
• Fact: In 1962 the civil government of Buganda, headed by Kabaka of Buganda, entered a legal agreement (Uganda Constitution of 1966) with other nations and populations in colonial Uganda to federate and gain independence as a single country.
• Fact: In 1966 Prime Minister Obote and his supporters, without consulting Buganda’s civil government or population, illegally overthrew the Uganda Constitution with the use of armed forces. The then Kabaka, Muteesa Walugembe, was exiled to the UK where he died under suspicious circumstances.
• Fact: Between 1966 and 1986 various warlords, including Obote, Idi Amin and Museveni captured Uganda state power through the violent and illegal use of arms.
•  Fact: After Yoweri Museveni captured power by the force of arms in 1986 he organized an exercise to develop a new national constitution that would return the governance of Uganda to a legal status. The flagship activity of the constitution making exercise was the independednt Odoki Commission (leg by Justice Odoki) which collected information that would be properly address the aspirations of all the people in Uganda.
• Fact: According to the “Odoki Report”, over 90% of the people of Buganda explicitly demanded that they be governed under federal form of government which prevailed before the overthrow of the 1966 Uganda constitution.
• Fact: Museveni, Bidandi-Ssali and their supporters illegally (under natural law) broke the terms of the constitution making process and administratively invalidated the demands of the people of Buganda and introduced an experimental substitute that they dubiously name “decentralization”.
• Fact: Since 1986 has, through decrees and targeted laws, constructed a legal system that is selectively punitive to Buganda, her people and her civil leadership, the Kabaka institution. One example is the currency reform decree which devalued the Uganda Shilling by 90% in an environment where Baganda held over 60% of all cash wealth in Uganda. Another example is the 1998 Land Act which set “mailo” land rent (nearly exclusivel found in Buganda) to less than 1$ (US) regardless of size and freely gave away Buganda’s 9,000 square miles customary lands but not those of other nationalities.
• Fact: Museveni, Tinyefunza and their accomplices have issued numerous public statements over radio in newspapers threatening to “destroy” elements of Buganda’s civil leaders, calling Buganda leaders “hyenas”, reminding Baganda that “you don’t have the guns”, telling Kabaka Mutebi to fire Buganda leaders “who don’t agree with Government” and even reminding Baganda of the “1966 crisis” when the 1962 constitution was overthrown.
•  Fact: Buganda’s civil leaders (Kabaka’s Government), with overwhelming support, are only demanding that Museveni and his supporters stop the injustices again the people of Buganda – return the 9,000 square miles and other properties and restore the only form of governance that Buganda has ever willing accepted (federal).

Over the weekend of July 19, 2008 the people of Buganda held a national conference (Lukiiko Ttabamiruka) to discuss the issues of land, poverty and governance which confront them. The Uganda government seems to have underestimated the conference until, on July 18, 2008, one Buganda official, Lubega Ssegona, eloquently’s spoke about its expected results in front of Government agents.

Unexpectedly powerful speeches by Kabaka Mutebi, his wife Nnabagereka Nagginda and others seem to have created virtual panic among Government officials and their Baganda collaborators, resulting in one of the most ill conceived political decisions by Museveni since he came to power. The government arrested Betty Nambooze, Peter Mayiga and Lubega Ssegona (detainded just before the meeting) to preempt further political damage. And in the process handed Baganda nationalists the strongest case so far that the Uganda government considers any expression of Buganda nationalism as a crime. Evidence that Buganda is all but occupied by a belligerent force that will not tolerate and use force against the national aspirations of the native population. Isn’t Buganda under armed occupation?