Following the pattern of most dictator regimes coming to an end, Museveni and his collaborators in the armed occupation of Buganda are starting to behave like grasshoppers. Getting increasing paranoid, Museveni has become ruthless in dealing with real and imagined enemies. From Betty Nambooze to Kabaka Mutebi, he is willing to be reckless in the name of survival. And like grasshoppers, the NRM top brass are now so sacred that they are starting to cannibalize each other. This is what happened in the 1970’s as Amin’s Nubians and Kakwas started to fear their own shadows.

During the last 7 days alone, three key figures in the NRM system have escaped death or been killed in what most analysts agree to be, at best, highly suspicious circumstances. The architecture of the NRM occupation of Buganda through the arbitrary decentralization system, Jaberi Bidandi Ssali, narrowly escaped death when a speeding motorcycle ran his vehicle off the road in Bunyoro. Mysteriously, the motorcycle rider and his bike both disappeared. The police commander in the area, a Munyankore named Tumusiime, insisted that although they believed that there had been an accident, they could not do anything because all the important evidence had been carefully removed. A shaken Bidandi Ssali told the local press that he was sure that some people had tried to kill him.

The same Saturday, Brian Bukenya, the son of one of Museveni’s key collaborators in the NRM occupation of Buganda, vice president Gilbert Bukenya, dies in a freak. Brian Bukenya graduated in Law from the United Kingdom before joining the Uganda occupation army (UPDF) under pressure from his father. According to sources, the vice president who is obsessed with replacing Museveni if a chance arises, wanted his son to be in the army to emulate the president’s Muhoozi Kainerugaba. Although Museveni feigned approval, a source close to state house tell us that no one in Museveni’s akazu (secret Balaalo kitchen cabinet) was amused. Key akazu figures like Salim Saleh, Jovia Saleh, Janet Kataha Museveni, Muhoozi Kainerugaba, David Tinyefuza and Sam Kuteesa all saw Bukenya’s move as a challenge. The source adds that, although it is difficult to pin down the culprits, once Brian Bukenya and his father made clear that they were bent on getting him in the Sandhurst Military Academy, his fate was sealed.

Brian Bukenya, who was reportedly born out of an adulterous relationship that Bukenya had with a friend’s wife, died when the vehicle in which he was travelling from Kabamba to Kampala overturned.  Mysteriously, the driver, who survived, told police that after the accident he became unconscious and does not know how he got from the accident scene to his sister’s house in Kibuli, an hour’s drive away. The driver, Nathan Lwanga, also insists that he was speeding because the deceased, Brian Bukenya, told him to do so.

And on Tuesday, another major contributor to the NRM armed occupation of Buganda, Maj. Gen. James Kazini died in another bizarre case. According to the Uganda occupation police force, led by Rwandese Karyekezi Kayihura, Kazini was killed by his girlfriend who struck him with an iron bar. However, Brig. Elly Kayanja one of Museveni’s most ruthless security operators insists that the story is suspect. According to our source in the Uganda’s porous security community, Kazini’s confessed killer is an ISO operative. Kayanja headed ISO about 10 years ago before he went on to form the notorious Operation Wembley.

What remains unclear is the strength of Museveni’s hand in any of the three high profile deaths of NRM diehards.  Either way, the writing appears to be on the wall. The NRM occupation army is starting to eat its own limbs, beginning with Brian Bukenya and James Kazini. And Bidandi Ssali now has a new job – watching his back. Brig. Elly Kayanja confirmed that the grasshopper syndrome has taken root when told the Uganda local press that he advises all army officers, especially senior ones, to move with their pistols on the ready.

When, on September 16, 2009, Museveni invited all Buganda MPs to a Thursday meeting to discuss the impasse regarding Kabaka’s visit to Kayunga, he was considering denying opposition to the visit (see “Museveni May Blame Police and Minister For Bugerere Violence“).   By the time the meeting took place, Museveni had decided to confront the Kabaka and had grown so paranoid that the locked non-NRM Buganda MP’s out.

One source close to president Museveni’s state house has told us:  “Young and rich Balaalo, who fear to lose the billion of shillings they have looted in Uganda had worked through senior members of the Balaalo akazu (secret conclave) Caleb Akandwanaho (Salim Saleh), Janet Museveni and Elly Karuhanga to persuade Museveni to lower the tension with Mmengo. As late as Wednesday afternoon, Museveni considered blaming the brutal actions of Uganda police against Baganda youths in Kayunga on Kayihura’s men.”  However, the Uganda warlord continued to face pressure from strongly anti-Baganda Balaalo and Bayiru like David Tinyefuza, Kale Kayihura, Kahinda Otafiire and others, who wanted the Kabaka arrested.”

The situation was complicated on Wednesday when, Museveni, after 2 years of unsuccessful efforts, managed to get a telephone audience with Ssabasajja Kabaka.  According the Museveni’s own statement, the Kabaka was clearly unimpressed by the extreme importance the Ugandan ruler places on the title, “President of Uganda”. The unfriendly call left Museveni irate but probably did not change his thoughts about calling some type of truce.

The source says, however, that: “President Museveni panicked on Thursday late morning when he got intelligence reports that the violence that started after Kayihura barred Katikkiro Walusimbi from entering Bugerere was spreading to places as far as Masaka.  Even worse, it was being executed by fearless young Baganda, some as young as 13 years, in huge numbers. When he consulted some members of  the kazu, they were also panicking. When he called Janet Museveni, overseas at the time and very angry at the way Baganda had embarrassed her at UNAA, she told him that there was no choice but crash the Baganda rioters.” That is when Museveni made the final decision to stop Kabaka Mutebi.

Museveni formally announced that unless Mmengo held talks with Banyala and CBS radio stopped their negative campaign against the NRM and inciting the people against Police, Kabaka’s visit to Kayunga on Saturday could not take place. Reportedly, the Ugandan warlord did not sleep at all Thursday night but made another critical decision. He ordered that the Kabaka had to be stopped if he left his palace and live bullets were to be used on rioters.

It appears that Kabaka Mutebi’s advisors got wind of Museveni’s genocidal plans early enough to avert the potential bloodshed. By Friday mid-afternoon, the Buganda cabinet had made the decision that talking to Museveni’s person king (Sabanyala) was out of questions and Baganda blood could not be sacrificed to the NRM government, which seemed deranged.  Sources close to Mmengo could not provide more details about what went on in the Buganda cabinet up to the point of the official statement canceling the trip. However, according the Observer Newspaper (www.observer.ug), the wording and timing  of the Mmengo statement was highly influenced by fear that Katikkiro Walusimbi, who is little trusted by nationalist Baganda, could be harmed.

We can report that Museveni was in communication with people who are close to key Buganda government officials throughout the crisis. However, it is not known if any actual communication took place. Also, Museveni planted at least one informer among Mmengo officials, including in the Katikkiro’s convoy that was stopped at Sezibwa (details withheld to protect the sources).

In the meantime, a state of panic has taken root among the Balaalo community in Buganda. For many of them this the first time they came face to face with the prospect that Museveni does not have the capacity to protest them against the thousands of unemployed and angry young Baganda. Evidence of this panic includes the decision by Rwandese Balaalo, assisted by a foreign country, to volunteer to offer over 20 lorries to accompany Kabaka Mutebi to Kayunga. We have also received unconfirmed reports of an unusual number of Balaalo parents taking their children home from boarding schools on Saturday September 12, 2009.

In a move that could be the first indication that President Museveni of Uganda might be prepared to use physical force against the Kabaka of Buganda, on October 8, 2008, Uganda’s heavily armed anti-riot police ready with teargas stopped Kabaka Mutebi from visiting the Buluuli Ssaza (county) Headquarters in Nakasongola.  Kabaka Mutebi was scheduled to preside over the 46th Buganda Independence anniversary celebrations which this year had been planned for Buluuli County. Buluuli is one of Buganda’s 18 counties. And it is in Buluuli that, a few years ago, President Museveni created  an anti-Kabaka “new” kingdom headed by a “Sabaruli”. Museveni’s current Sabaruli is called Mwogezi Butamanya.

It is not clear when president Museveni gave the final order to stop Mutebi.  However, according to a Uganda  police source who spoke on condition that her name not be revealed, Mutebi  had to be blocked because President Museveni and his people were shocked by the huge crowds of Baganda and Baluuli which greeted Kabaka Mutebi in Kakooge and Migyera towns. And because of the unexpectedly strong extremely well received speeches which Mutebi made at Migyera. There, Mutebi warned his subjects, in a very tough tone, to keep a sharp eye on and reject those who want to create confusion and divide the people of Buganda. Telling them, “It is terrible that certain individuals are working hard to divide my people, after the impressive progress we have made towards unity.”

This reporter’s police source revealed that the possibility of stopping Kabaka Mutebi from celebrating Buganda’s independence in Buluuli has been discussed by Museveni and his men for a long time.  According to him, every passing year Mr. Museveni has been getting more frustrated that the crowds at Buganda’s October 8th independence celebrations  keep swelling and his own Uganda independence event on October 9th keeps shrinking.  That is why they agreed to help Butamanya and Mukasa Muruli, former Museveni’s minister, coach Baluuli youths to organize a fake demonstration against Mutebi’s presence in Buluuli. “Mukasa Muruli and the youths were supposed to make a lot of noise, even threaten Kabaka, to give the police a pretext to stop the ceremonies if it became necessary.“ The source identifies the key plotters to include Ruhakana Rugunda, Kale Kayihura , David Tinyefuza, Buganda, Alfred Bitwire, Magara of Rapid Response Unit and minister Freddie Ruhindi plus district chairman Wandira and  RDC Masekera.  Museveni and his state house staff have been frequent briefed consulted on strategy and key decisions.

In a statement, Mr. Museveni’s minister for security Dr Rugunda blames it all on Kabaka Mutebi. He claims that it is Katikkiro JB Walusimbi who first expressed fears about the safety of Kabaka Mutebi in Buluuli to government. Then he (Rugunda) had confirmed that the threat was real and serious and communicated it to Walusimbi. By press time, this reporter had not confirmed if Rugunda is, this time, telling the truth. The situation has been more confused by reports in a foreign owned, Uganda government censored local paper that JB Walusimbi along with Buganda Attorney General Apollo Mabuya met with Ruhakana Rugunda, Freddie Ruhindi and Kale Kayihura on Monday, where the Mmengo officials were ordered to call off Kabaka Mutebi’s trip to Buluuli.

If Walusimbi and Makubuya met Ruhakana and Kayihura as reported, it is clear that their meeting was made irrelevant by Mutebi when he bravery decided to drive to Buluuli, in a convey of 40 motor vehicles, some carrying mattresses and other presents for his impoverished subjects. Most Baganda are strongly opposed to the frequent and often secret meetings that Katikkiro JB Walusimbi holds with President Museveni and his point people.

The kidnapped Buganda Kingdom officials have been released on police bond and court bail respectively. The government reports that Peter Mayiga received his police bond from Jinja Road Police station while Betty Nambooze and Medard Lubega got their court bail from Nakawa Magistrates courts in Kampala.  The release of Buganda officials on police bonds seems to suggest that President Museveni’s government concedes or the judge knows that this was an incompetent attempt to “manufacture a case after the arrest”.  Normally, Uganda police bonds are accepted for cases involving petty thefts, adultery, idleness and similar offenses – not capitol offenses.

The three officials were kidnapped by security operatives commanded by David Tinyefuza over the weekend of July 20 and illegally held in secret “safe houses” for more than 100 hours.  The standard legal practice for this type of arrest is to issue summons to the person, requiring them to report to police or to be immediately arrested and transportation to police.  The police are required to produce the suspect in a court of law within 48 hours according to the Uganda Constitution. In this case the arrests were not handled by police and they were personally ordered by President Museveni. And for over 48 hours even the police did not know why the captives had been detained – technically, it was a President ordered kidnapping. On Wednesday a judge in Kampala declared the continued holding of the trio by President Museveni unconstitutional and ordered their release. They were released on Thursday but re-arrested within 15 minutes, in a style that President Museveni and his Minister Ruhakana Rugunda helped establish in 1960s as UPC youth wingers.

As can be clearly seen, the people came out in droves to see the prisoners released and to show them support. More on this story soon.  

Photos from UG Observer and New Vision

According to Uganda’s Daily Monitor newspaper of July 23, 2006, the UPDF’s David Tinyefuza has defended the arrests and continued detention of three Buganda kingdom officials beyond the 48-hour period in which all suspects are supposed to be released or charged in court. The paper reports that Tinyefuza, Mr. Museveni’s Coordinator of Intelligence Services, dismissed the public outcry over the continued detention of the suspects by saying that investigating terrorism-related crimes was complex and that under such circumstances, “some laws can even be suspended”. The last time laws were officially suspended to suppress Buganda’s political aspirations was during the 1966 “state of emergency in Buganda”.

The Buganda officials, Mr. Peter Mayiga, Mr. Medard Lubega Ssegona and Ms. Betty Nambooze, were arrested over the weekend and subsequently charged with charges of inciting violence, promoting war, sectarianism and terrorism. The Monitor also reports that Tinyefuza claims that Buganda, like the rest of the colonial creations all over Africa is a haphazard placement of peoples with different cultures and linguistic characteristics, albeit related in the general sense. Within hours of the arrest of its officials, the Buganda government established a Buganda Emergency Response Committee (BERC), which has issued two press releases to update Baganda and their friends. Buganda Post (www.bugandapost.com) will has and will continue to reproduce the BERC’s press releases as they become available.