On July 5, 2010, a Baganda internet radio called www.ekibakibe.com was broadcasting a speech by retired Buganda Katikkiro, Dan Muliika, where tells Baganda that it makes no sense to participate in the 2011 elections since they will only legitimize Museveni’s dictatorship.  Sources in Boston have confirmed to us that Owek. Muliika made the speech during the last Buganda liberation conference in May 2010. It is not clear at what times Owek. Muliika’s speech is repeated and how long it will stay on www.ekibakibe.com.  You can try your luck to listen to it by going to the site and clicking “Radio” and “Listen Live”.

About Uganda’s system government, the former Katikkiro says, “The electoral commission is Museveni’s personal property, the Parliament is owned by Museveni, the army and police are his and so is the civil service. But even more important, he has looted so much of the national assets; if he loses the elections, it is difficult to imagine how he will be prosecuted or imprisoned by the winner. That is why there is no way he will even allow the situation.”

About the opposition MPs, Owek. Muliika does not mince words. “Real parliamentary opposition disappeared in 1966. People like Betty Kamya and Latigo are mere pawns that Museveni uses to make his government appear legitimate. He uses them to argue to the donors that there is democracy in Uganda.”

On the inter-party coalition (IPC) that includes DP-Buganda, Mulwaanyamuli’s Suubi, FDC, Otunnu’s UPC, and others, Muliika, dismissed the whole idea as a farce that involves people who do not trust each other. He questioned why, if they have clear and intelligent political objectives, they do not form one party but constantly says that they are separate. He  refers to the alliance using a Luganda saying,  “Eyo alliance gyebayita ‘Malako enyama ompe amagumba’” (“That alliance in nothing but a  ‘You can eat the meat but leave the bones’ for me deal”). He calls the IPC evidence of the “politics of intrigue” from which Buganda cannot gain anything.  He challenges the audience to do some thinking with, “Lawaaki oyingira ekitima ekiwedde ng’otunula?” (“How can you blindly enter such an obvious trap with your eyes open?”)

On the holding of elections, Owek. Muliika argues that there should be no elections until Uganda’s constitution reflects the wishes of the citizen, not the current one, which was imposed by Museveni’s government. And until all national institutions are answerable to the people, not to an individual.

The retired Katikkiro called on Baganda in the diasopra to lead in the civic education of our people about their self-determination rights. He used Otunnu as an example, saying, “Although Otunnu is dangerous he still taught Ugandans something good.” He explained the president of UPC, which occupied and terrorized Buganda in 1966, recently taught Ugandans how to resist arbitrary and illegal police arrests by Museveni’s police.

One area that Owek. Muliika advised diaspora Baganda to include in the civic education is genocide. He told them that the Ugandans are practicing genocide against Buganda when they change the name of the kingdom from “Buganda” to “Central Region”. It is also genocide to change “Ssese Islands” [a Buganda county] to “Kalangala District”. All these things the Ugandans are doing by force to erase the identity of Buganda and Baganda are acts of genocide under international law.

Abazzukulu ba Buganda, the most active Baganda nationalist organization today, accuses Katikkiro Walusimbi and Mmengo of attempting to manipulate Ssabasajja Kabaka into giving up Buganda’s rights to self-determination. Abazzukulu did this in a public letter to the Katikkiro  signed by Chairman Jjunju Kamulali. Below are the main points of the 3-page letter Luganda letter, translated in into English. The original Luganda letter is reproduced in full at the bottom.

1. In the 1950’s the British imposed their style of elections on Buganda as the ransom for the return of Ssekabaka Muteesa II whom they had exiled in 1953. That condition is what is called the “Namirembe Agreement of 1955” today. The tragic results of that religion based election must not be forgotten because they started the divisions between Catholic and Protestant Baganda, with the Catholics who lost the Katikkiroship  becoming opponents of Mmengo. Between 1955 and 1962, the Catholics formed the DP while the Protestants spent their energies on fighting each other. When the Catholics [through DP] joined the politics of destroying Buganda, the Protestants teamed up with [the dangerous] Obote simply to beat the Catholics in DP. The results of all that is why we have tears in our eyes today. Why can’t we learn from our history?
2. In the 1981 elections, Baganda acted as one and supported their countryman [Paul Ssemwogerere], what Buganda got out of it is the troubles in Bulemeezi (Museveni’s guerilla war and Baganda massacres in Luweero Triangle).
3. Even if all the [80] Buganda MPs who win [in 2011] support the kingdom’s interests, what real effect will they have in the Uganda parliament [of more than 300 members] where the rest are against anything good for Buganda. And what scale will Mmengo use to accurately judge who supports Buganda enough?
4. It is clear that your true intention is to mortgage the Buganda nation because if kingdom representatives officially compete in the 2011 and lose, the world will expect Baganda to respect future decisions by the winners.
5. Buganda is a natural nation and Uganda is just an experiment in nation building. So Buganda, the nation, cannot officially participate in the disorganized elections of the confused Uganda, except if the intention is to end up worse off than before.
6. It must be remembered that in 1966 [May 19th], the Buganda Lukiiko passed a resolution telling the government of Uganda to leave Buganda soil, after it broke the 1962 independence agreement. Since that time, the Uganda government is occupying Buganda by force of arms. Until Buganda as a nation cancels the 1966 resolution the Uganda government rules us illegally under international law and we can take our case to international courts.
7. It seems that you, acting on instructions from the Uganda government, want to confuse the people of Buganda and make us think that Buganda issues can be solved by the 2011 elections. You claim to be the official representatives of Buganda in the elections to create the image that Buganda is officially and voluntarily competing in the elections and, therefore, is no longer under armed occupation.
8. This is not the first time that you have tried this trick to get the 1966 Lukiiko resolution officially cancelled and forgotten. First, you wanted to use the Charter system and when it failed to brought in the Regional Tier. After Buganda rejected the Regional Tier, you started the campaign to manipulate Kabaka Mutebi into signing the cancellation of the 1966 Lukiiko resolution, hiding behind what you called “negotiations” [with Museveni]. Now you are looking for another channel, the 2011 elections!
9.  If you really have no bad intentions for Buganda, it is not too late. Stop doing anything that creates the image that the nation of Buganda is officially participating in the 2011 elections or any other Ugandan elections. Buganda Government officials who want to stand in such elections, as individuals and not representatives of Buganda, should first resign from Kabaka’s service. If you cannot help Baganda against losing their human rights by participating in fake elections, please leave them to do so because of the armed occupation but not because of your manipulation.

 Original Letter

 EBBALUWA EY’OLWATU 

Eri,

Katikkiro wa Buganda
Owek J B Walusimbi
Bulange Mmengo

Ssebo,

Omulamwa:Temuguumaaza Baganda, okulonda kutunywereza bunywereza mu buwambe

Muvuddeyo ne mukubiriza Abaganda okwesimbawo era ne mubakubiriza n’okwewandiisa okulonda mbu basobole okukozesa obululu bwabwe balonde, mbu,  abakulembeze abawagira ebya Buganda era abasobola okufunira Buganda Federo n’ebyayo ebirala. Lwaki muguumaaza Obuganda? Lwaki muwaayo obuyinza bwa Buganda okwesalirawo?

Abangereza mu myaka gy’ataano baakakaatika enkola y’okulonda eya ‘ky’abanji’ ku Buganda ng’akakwakkulizo k’okuzza Ssekabaka Muteesa II gwe baali bawaηηangusizza mu 1953. Akakwakkulizo ako baakayisa mu kye baatuuma era kyetukyayita “endagaano ye Namirembe eya 1955”. Ebyatuviiramu tetulina kubyerabira. Okulonda okwaddirira kwazuukusa embiranye z’eddiini wakati w’Abapolotesitante n’Abakatuliki ekyaleetera Abaganda Abakatuliki abaawangulwa mu kulonda kw’obwa Katikkiro okufuuka abalabe ba Buganda abaasimbira Buganda ekkuuli okulaba nti efiirwa obutongole bwayo. Wakati wa 1955 ne 1962, Abaganda ng’okulonda kubaawuddemu Abakatuliki abeekolamu n’ekibiina ky’obufuzi  n’abapolotesitante abaali bawangudde obwakatikkiro e Mmengo baamala amaanyi gaabwe gonna nga beerwanyisa. Kulw’okuwangulagana baasaddaaka n’obwetwaze bwa Buganda, Abakatuliki bwe beegatta ku balabe ba Buganda okusalawo ebisanyaawo Buganda ate n’Abapolotesitante nabo ne basembeza Obote olw’okwagala okuwangula Abakatuliki mu kibiina kyabwe ekya DP. Ebyaava mu kino nakati by’ebikyatukaabya amaziga. Lwaki twefuula abeerabidde gyetuva? Lwaki tetuyigira ku bitutuuseeko?

Omuzungu yawugula Abaganda okuva ku bwetwaze nga yeeyambisa akakuubagano ako era ng’ayita mu kulonda n’atuzza mu mivuyo n’obutaliimu bwa Uganda. Weewaawo Ssekabaka Muteesa II yali amutebuse n’agaana Abaganda okwetaba mu kulonda kwa 1961, (ekyasobozesa Buganda okufunayoko ku byoya by’enswa naye era olwessuubi ly’obuwulize bwa Baganda mu kukuba akalulu, nga bwe mulagira kati Abaganda, Buganda yamira eddobo ly’abazungu n’edda mu butaliimu era obufuusa bwa Uganda. 

Mu 1961-62, Abaganda baali bakyalina ensa n’olwekyo baasobola ekitakyaddamu kusoboka bwe baakuba akalulu mu kitole nga bayise mu KY, ne bawangula, naye Obuwanguzi bwetwaggyamu bwatutuusaawa?

Abaganda baakuba obululu mu 1981 ne babuwa muganda munnaabwe Paul Kawanga Ssemwogerere, naye baayambibwaki? Buganda yafunamu mu kulonda kwa 1981? Obutaliimu bw’olutalo lw’e Bulemeezi bwe mwagala Buganda eddemu?!

Olwaleero abatali Baganda bebasinga obungi mu Buganda, ate nga tukimanyi nti okuva mu myaka gy’enkaaga obukyayi ku Buganda buzze busigibwa mu Banna Yuganda ne busomesebwa ne mu masomero. Olwaleero entekateeka ssinziggu zikoleddwa okusiga n’okufukirira embiranye ey’amaanyi wakati w’Abaganda n’abatali Baganda abali mu Buganda n’ebweeru wayo, nga n’abantu ababadde mu Buganda entende emyaka n’emyaka, kati bagguddewo olutalo ku Buganda, nga ne Kabaka takkirizibwa kugenda mu masaza ga Buganda gye batudde.

 Abaganda bonna ne bwe basalawo ne bakuba akalulu kaabwe wamu tebasobola kuwangula kubanga batono nnyo ku balala abatabaagaliza.

Ne bwe kiba nti ekyewuunyo kibaddewo ababaka ba palamenti abava mu Buganda bonna abalondeddwa ne bawagira ebya Buganda; benkana ki ku babaka abava mu bitundu bya Uganda ebirala abawunyirwa ebya Buganda ziizi?

Ye bwe mugamba nti mugenda kuwagira abaneesimbawo abamanyi okwogera ensonga za Buganda obulungi, kipimo ki kye munaakozesa okubamanya n’okubeesiga? Olwo Abaganda be munaaba temuwagidde munaaba mubasindiseewa?

Okulonda tekulina kye kusobola kugasa Buganda. Mukimanyi bulungi nti Buganda ejja kuwangulwa mu buli ngeri yonna. Terina nkizo yonna mu nteekateeka y’okulonda kubanga beevuganya nabo beeba nnanyini kulonda n’okutegekebwa kwakwo.Be bakutegeka, be bakukubiriza, be babala obululu ate be babulangirira. 

Kirabika nga ekigendererwa kyammwe kuwaayo Buganda, kubanga Buganda bwe yeetaba mu kulonda mu butongole, n’ewangulwa, byonna ebirisalibwawo abaliba bawangudde okulonda okwo bijja kuba nga mu mateeka bikakata ku Buganda nga terina w’ebigaanira. Buganda bwe yeetaba mu kulonda mu butongole egenda kuba ekkirizza nti ebyaayo bisalibweewo abaliba bawangudde okulonda okwo.

Leka tukimanye, tukitegeere era tukikkirize nti Buganda entonde etambulira ku butonde bwayo ate Uganda empange obupanzi etambulira ku bupanzi ng’okukuba obululu. N’olwekyo Buganda teyinza era teriyinza kuganyulwa mu bupanzipanzi. Ky’ova olaba ng’okuviira ddala obululu lwe bwaleetebwa Omukolooni mu gy’ataano, Buganda terina mulundi gwe yali eganyuddwa okuggyako okugwa mu Bizibu ebigyegezaamu okugisaanyaawo.

Kisaanye kijjukirwe nti Olukiiko lwa Buganda olutongole mu 1966 lwayisa ekiteeso ekigoba gavumenti ya Uganda mu Buganda olw’okumenyawo endagaano ya 1962, eyali egatta Buganda ku Uganda kyeyagalire. Okuva olwo gavumenti ya Uganda yeekakaatika bwekakaatisi ku Buganda mu ngeri ya Kiriisamaanyi ekimenya amateeka g’ensi yonna. Okutuusa nga Buganda mu butongole emenyeewo ekirangiriro ky’olukiiko lwa Buganda ekyo ekyagoba gavumenti ya Uganda ku ttaka lya Buganda, gavumenti ya Uganda efuga Buganda mu bumenyi bw’amateeka era Buganda bwewaaba mu kooti y’ensi yonna, Uganda esobola okukakibwa okuddiza Buganda obwetwaaze bwaayo.

Abeebitiibwa b’e Mmengo, kirabika ng’ekigendererwa kyammwe gavumenti ya Uganda kye yabatuma, kwe kuguumaaza Abaganda, mbu, ebya Buganda bigenda kugonjoolwa nga tuyise mu kulonda kwa 2011, olwo mu kukola ekyo mwefuule abakiikirira Buganda mulabise Buganda ng’eyeetabye mu kulonda okwo mu butongole, n’olwekyo, mulabise Buganda ng’emenyeewo ekirangiriro ekyagoba gavumenti ya Uganda ku ttaka lya Buganda era kitegeeze nti Buganda eri mu Uganda kyeyagalire (teri mu buwambe); ekyo kiggyewo ensonga Omuganda yenna gy’asobola okusinziirako okuwaabira gavumenti ya Uganda mu kooti y’ensi yonna ku lw’okufunira Buganda Obwetwaaze.

Ekigendererwa kino mukiruddeko nnyo nga kikyabalemye okutuukiriza. Mwasooka kwagala kukiyisa mu Charter, bwe yalemwa, ne mutegeka kukiyisa mu Regional Tier. Obuganda bwe bwagigaana, mwe ne mukama wammwe pulezidenti-gavana mukoze binji okukaka Ssabasajja Kabaka akozese omukono gwe ku lwa Buganda amenyewo ekirangiriro kya 1966 nga muyita mu kye mwatuuma okuteesa.

Kati ekkubo mu lizudde mu kulonda kwa 2011.!!!

Bwe muba temulina kigendererwa kibi ku Buganda, obudde tebunnayita.

Mukomye okukola ebirabisa Buganda ng’eyokwetaba(mu butongole) mu kulonda kwa Uganda okwa 2011 oba okulonda kwonna okulala okutegekeddwa Uganda. Abakungu abaagala okwesimbawo balekulire emirimu gya Kabaka beetabe mu kulonda okwo ku lwabwe ng’abantu so ssi ng’abasimbiddwaawo oba abatumiddwa Buganda. Bwe muba temusobola kuyamba Baganda butawaayo dembe lyabwe kwesalirawo na kwefuga nga bayita mu kiguumaaza w’okukuba obululu, mubaleke babwetabemu olw’emmundu eyabateekebwaako, so si mwe kubakulembera kubatwalamu.    

Wangaala Buganda

Awangaale Ssaabasajja Kabaka

M . Jjunju Kamulali
(Ssentebe)

Last Friday, Kabaka Mutebi called upon all his subjects who have reached the voting age of 18 to register so that they can elect leaders of their choice while others should check with the register to confirm whether their names are registered to be able to participate in the 2011 elections. The Lion of Buganda was meeting his subjects from Buluuli who had visited him at his palace, Mengo Lubiri, to assure him of their loyalty, extend their sympathies for the loss of the Kasubi Tombs and to present to show appreciation for his brilliant leadership of the Kingdom regardless of the many challenges faced.

Soon afterwards, First Deputy Katikkiro, Owek. Ssendaula clarified that the Kabaka Mutebi and his government are not involved in partisan politics. Their interest is in supporting candidates who support Buganda’s causes.

These developments have left many Baganda in the diaspora quite confused since they suggest that Buganda has now officially decided to declared her trust and belief in president Museveni’s corrupt election system. Many of the now confused Baganda thought that the Buganda establishment was willing to support the campaign former Katikkiro Dan Muliika announced in Boston to boycott the 2011 elections since they are fraud.

When Buganda Post contacted a New York based expert on Buganda issues by email,he responded with the following: “I would advise Baganda in the diaspora no to panic. Remember that some of the people around  Kabaka are ambitious politicians and businessmen with personal interests in becoming MPs or making money. Some might have influence what Kabaka said but, as usual, his words had a lot of wisdom. First, the Kabaka did not promise anyone that, come election time, he will encourage his subjects to even vote. People should be patient, there is a lot of time before the voting.”

President Museveni’s Uganda parliament has 327 members, with 80 or 24% from Buganda.  Even if all Baganda MPs vote as a single block, they would need support from another 84 MPs to pass substantially pro-Buganda bills in the Uganda parliament. Estimates by many experts of Uganda’s NRM manipulated political system put the estimate for NRM guaranteed MP seats at a minimum of 131 or just over 40%. Some nationalist Baganda, especially in the diaspora, argue that Buganda’s interests are best served if individuals who have clear business and Uganda political ambitions do not have so much influence on Mmengo and Kabaka Mutebi. That is why these nationalists want Kabaka’s subjects to simply boycott the elections to show the whole world that Buganda is under occupation by the NRM government and help Baganda youths avoid developing a slave complex.

The NRM government newspaper Bukedde of March 10, 2010, published a story showing that vote buying in school prefect elections is the norm in Uganda schools. At the swearing in of Shafina Nangobi as the headgirl at Pic Hill Primary School in Kawempe, the young lady openly said that she had spent about US$1 ,500 on her campaign. Shafinah Nangobi explained that she spent most of the money buying snacks and food for student voters. She then offered the runner-up in the election to be her deputy.

Shafina is the daughter of a Ugandan celebrity, Sylvia Namutebi, better known as Maama Fiina. Ms. Namutebi attended her daughter’s swearing in ceremony. She told the students and teachers that this is the beginning for her daughter. The plan is for Shafinah to compete for a seat in the Uganda national parliament when she grows up. Then Maama Fiina bought lunch for everyone present.

For the last more than 10 years, becoming a class monitor or dormitory prefect in Ugandan schools involves serious political campaigns. The NRM government encourages politics in schools, claiming that it teaches democracy to the youngest Ugandans. The problem is that now children buy votes to become primary school prefects or class monitors and parents and teachers encourage it. Children are learning corruption at at the same time as addition and multiplication.

J. Kitandwe
Kabaka’a Territories

The Boston [Buganda Emergency Meeting] Resolutions number 3,8 and 10 prove that Buganda’s greatest problem is we the Baganda ourselves. Up to now we have failed to understand our problem? It is deceptive for any patriotic Muganda or genuine Buganda well wisher to still prescribe federalism, free and fair elections, democracy, and mobilization of other ethnic communities as way forward for Buganda as envisaged in the Boston resolutions 3,8, and 10 (see “Resolutions of the Buganda Emergency Meeting in Boston on October 17, 2009“). The authors of the Boston resolutions should retreat and carefully study the Buganda problem right from the 1950s up to now 2009 and see whether their resolution score any goals for Buganda.

The truth is that Democracy’s free and fair elections wont solve our problem. There is overwhelming evidence that any thing that affects or pains Buganda automatically brings joy/ happiness to the rest of Uganda. Whoever inflicts pain on Buganda automatically gets the backing of the rest parts of Uganda. So what do you [expect] in terms of votes! Definitely the candidate who displays most anti- Bugandaism will get more votes because nothing really unites Ugandans more than their common hate for Buganda.

Buganda struggled and earned full federal in 1962 protected by the 1962 constitution. How did it help us? For how long did it last? How was it lost? What has changed now?

It is laziness to demand for federal now. Self-determination is our right. We have a right to exist the way we prefer. Lets focus on Buganda’s independence. We can re-unite with other Uganda if we find it necessary but on our own terms.          

The organizers of the Buganda Emergency Meeting, which took place on October 17, 2009, in Boston USA, have published the resolutions from the event (see “Muliika And Frank Musisi To Headline Boston Buganda Emergency Conference“).  We first received a copy of the resolutions at around 4:00 PM Boston time but it took us until 7:30 PM to verify that it was genuine. That is when a highly reliable source confirmed to us that the document was being circulated on the top Baganda discussion lists by Mr. James Semakula, one of the organizers.

Buganda post is preparing a story, together with in depth analysis, on the Buganda Emergency Meeting to be published over the weekend.

The resolution document is reproduced in its entirety below:

Resolutions of the Buganda Emergency Meeting in Boston on October 17, 2009‏

Preamble:-

Aware that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICFSCR), guarantee the right to self determination of all people;

Convinced beyond reasonable doubt that the NRM government has violated fundamental human rights;

Saddened by the gross, unjust and inefficient governance inflicted on the people of Uganda by the NRM regime;

Realizing that Unity is essential to achieving our collective objectives;

Determined to rid Uganda of bad governance, dictatorship, and corruption;

Condemning strongly the NRM government’s continued interference in the running of independent institutions and intrusion into the running and electoral process of organizations of Ugandans in the Diaspora;

We hereby earnestly resolve as follows:-

1.    Establish structures to analyze and determine the resources needed to achieve our objectives.

2.    Advise the Kabaka not to directly negotiate with Museveni, his government, or agents of the NRM regime.

3.    Take appropriate steps to fundraise in order to finance the necessary activities to lead to change and the establishment of genuine democracy in Uganda.

4.    Pursue all legal channels that are useful in achieving our objectives including, but not limited to, international legal action.

5.    Educate the International community about the true political situation in Uganda through demonstrations on a regular basis and lobby work at the New York UN headquarters, Washington DC, and other major cities in the world.

6.    Boycott, effective immediately, all government media and other anti-Buganda entities.

7.    Intensify civic education of the people about the problems and possible solution to the problems being faced by Buganda.

8.    Reach out to other Ugandan ethnicities and groups with a view to making alliances to advance the cause of Democracy and Federalism.

9.    Expose government spies, informers, and traitors– and record their illegal activities within and outside Uganda for the purpose of future prosecution.

10.  Seek better Medical treatment for Mrs. Betty Nambooze Bakireke.

11.  Reject (unanimously) the Regional Tier as a form of governance in Uganda.

12.  Agree that Museveni and his regime must go; and resolve to establish a mechanism for free and fair elections

According to an email  we received from someone who claims to have attended  the Ggwangamujje meeting held in New Jersey on Saturday, the attendees agreed to declare Buganda to be under captivity.  “Everyone agreed that there is no question that Kabaka has done a wonderful job in these tough times. Also that the Baganda who are resisting Museveni’s dictatorship are real heros. We also agreed that Kabaka Mutebi made the right decision to call off the visit because he was totally surrounded by Museveni’s poorly trained forces and his subjects were at risk. In the end we declared Kabaka and Buganda to be in captivity.”

The email promised that an official statement is supposed to be issued by Ggwangamujje officials and it will most certainly say that Buganda is in captivity. And that those Baganda who agree must from today on work for one thing, the freedom of their Kabaka and country, Buganda, from the captivity (buwambe).  They  are confident that as time passes Baganda masses will understand this and stop discussing any  politics except for the withdraw occupying forces. They have no plans to waste time taking Museveni to his own courts or worrying about Uganda elections while Buganda is captivity.

In a related story, evidence continues to mount that President Museveni is becoming more panicky every passing day after his forces massacred young unarmed Baganda last week. On Saturday and Sunday, after closing down Baganda owned radio stations, he launched a press campaign in his New Vision and Aga Khan’s The Monitor claiming that he was to meet Kabaka Mutebi this week. But our sources tell us that Katikkiro Walusimbi and Regional Tier advocates (Mulwaanyamuli clique, Mmengo based businessmen and  Uganda politicians eager to personally gain from Regional Tier) are secretly working with NRM officials to force the Kabaka  to talk to Museveni. And Museveni, panicking after the scare of last Thursday, is so obsessed with talking to Ssabasajja  that, on Wednesday, he publically complained to the Uganda parliament that, since Saturday he has been the Kabaka without success.

Uganda’s vice president, Dr. Gilbert Bukenya has told Kabaka Mutebi and his subjects to forget about  the Federo, which they are agitating for.  Bukenya is supposed to have made these statements in an interview that is published in government owned and controlled Sunday Vision of September 6, 2009. Bukenya was echoing the statement made by president Museveni, during a July 12, 2009 public debate On WBS TV, where he (Museveni) declared: “I can never allow Federo for Buganda”.

August 16, 2009 Bukenya attended the Coronation Anniversary celebrations in Lubiri where Omutaka Nakirembeka chided the vice president and other Baganda members of the NRM government for  parroting their anti-Buganda bosses. Kabaka Mutebi , in what appeared to be a veiled reference to Museveni’s TV declaration, made clear that Buganda would not tolerate any more double-talk on Federo. The Kabaka said: “When we hear some people saying that they don’t know what Federo means, I think they have failed to understand what we mean. You should reply to them that Federo is all about justice and truth, and this is what we demand.”

On his part, Bukenya told Kabaka Mutebi and the tens of  thousands of Baganda present that:  ”Buganda’s Federo concerns are genuine and we need to talk about them seriously. I will make sure to recommend to the appropriate authorities that they be handled.”  Apparently  Bukenya  chose the newspaper interview format to inform  Kabaka Mutebi and his subjects to forget Federo, only saying, “We are giving them a regional government.”

Below is what Bukenya told Moses Mulondo of the new vision in response to a question on Federo. According to our sources in Ugandan media, Bukenya and Uganda state house were involved in composing both the question and the answer . Moreover, Bukenya’s answer was first  shown to the Uganda state house, by Robert Kabushenga, before publication. Therefore, all the vagueness (kavuyo) it contains is intentional.

Question: Do you think Buganda’s demands on federalism are genuine?

Answer: Lets  first of all make this very clear. Long time ago when the Europeans came to the centre of Africa here, there was an absolute monarchy. All the power and the leadership was enthroned in the king of that kingdom. He would even order for the killing of a person if he wanted. When the British came in they started taking away power from the king and giving it to the chiefs.

That was the beginning of process of reducing absolute monarchism. By 1950 monarchism was beginning to die out because the colonialists had introduced elections. Once they introduced the system of one  man one vote, democracy began to take over from the monarchy. Today you would be wasting time or dreaming if you thought of going back to the absolute federalism of the monarchy we used to have before the colonialists

But the Buganda kingdom is not demanding for the federalism it had before colonialism, rather, it is demanding for the federalism it got in 1962 after we had acquired independence

But the 1962 federalism is what we are giving them. We are giving them a regional government. They told you to manage many things; I do not know what they were told to manage in 1962. However, I want this to be re-emphasised for it seems to be our major disagreement. In a democratic arrangement you cannot expect that there will ever be a leader of a government without their being voted for by the population. It’s not possible.

That is why we have been saying, ‘why we don’t dissolve some power by creating regional governments whose leaders will be voted for by the people?’ The central government can give some power and you can call that federalism. But the previous federalism of an absolute monarchy is gone forever.

The full interview is available in the Interview sections of the Sunday Vision at www.sundayvision.co.ug.

According to reports from Chicago, USA, Deputy Katikkiro, Owek.  Emmanuel Sendaula is expected to attend the UNAA conference in that city on the America Labor Day weekend. Owek. Sendaula will lead a Mmengo team, which will include Minister for Tourism, Nakiwala-Kiyingi. It is still unclear what role the Deputy Katikkiro will play at UNAA, which is expected to be attended by at least 50 Uganda governmental officials. However, there are reports that Minister Nakiwala-Kiyingi will announce one well known NRM as Buganda’s tourism representative in USA and Canada.  We have already received an email claiming that certain Baganda who want to see more transparency and support for Kabaka from Mmengo plan to demand “okunyonyolwa lwaaki Ssabasajja n’abataka tebawagirwa kimala” from the Deputy Katikkiro. The same Baganda also plan to demand that Minister Nakiwala-Kiyingi explain what qualifications her choice of Buganda tourism representative in North America has for such a sensitive job. And why she selected him in a non-transparent and suspicious way, typical of NRM.

The decision by Katikkiro Walusimbi to send a Mmengo delegation to UNAA could be seem as clear evidence that his commitment is with the NRM dominated Uganda politics than Buganda’s fight for her rights which Kabaka Mutebi is talking about. That is because last year, Katikkiro Walusimbi boycotted the Baganda international conference, Ttabamiruka ‘08. According to www.ttabamiruka.com, the planning for Ttabamiruka ‘10 should be already going on. Ttabamiruka focus on Buganda issues only and does not allow any Uganda style politics.

The UNAA conference this year is expected to be most affected by Uganda politics in history. There is concern by the organizers that Uganda style politics will take over during the elections of the new UNAA leadership because Mr. Museveni is determined to control UNAA. The current president, Frank Musisi is competing against Edward Wilson and Flex Kabuye, younger brother Colonel Kayanja of the infamous Operation Wembley.  Musisi beat Wilson two years ago. Supporters of Mr. Musisi, who is independent of Uganda politics, are upset about the close relationship his two opponents have with the NRM government.  In places like Boston, Edward Wilson and Flex Kabuye are routinely referred to as the NRM candidates . Musisi’s supporters are genuinely afraid that one of the NRM candidates will declare support for the other one (whoever appears to be strongest) in order to beat Musisi through a Uganda style kavuyo.

In the meantime, the UNAA organizers chose to give the conference a truly Ugandan flavor by inviting Illinois Senator Roland Burriss as the keynote speaker. Senator Roland is a colorful man who was appointed to the senate by former Governor Rod Blagojevich in the middle of impeachment proceedings involving the selling of President Obama’s former seat.  During the impeachment trial, tapes were audio tapes were publicly played where now Senator Burriss discussed raising funds for the Governor and at the same time expressed interest in being appointed to replace Obama to the Senate seat.

On May 21, 2009 former Los Angeles, California, resident and now owner of Radio Star, NRM candidate Peter Sematimba was declared the new LCIII chairman for Rubaga after a bitter election fight marred by massive irregularities. Even the Uganda government mouthpiece, the New Vision, on May 22, 2009 reported the results under the heading “Rubaga LC3 polls marred by rigging”.  Sematimba, who moonlights as a church pastor, won with 15,799 votes. The votes which Sematimba received represent 47% of the 33,314 cast in the elections, but only  9.3% of the 170,557 voters on the Uganda Electoral Commission roll of registered voters in Rubaga. According to NRM sources, more than 900 party activists were paid to irregularly vote in Rubaga. Also, over 2,000 pre-marked ballots were successfully stuffed into boxes across the 250 polling stations. Still, the total votes, including the irregular ones, represented a voter turn-out of only 19%.

While Peter Sematimba and most of his NRM supporters are celebrating his official victory, some political analysts think that this election is evidence that President Museveni and his NRM dominated brand of democracy could be rapidly collapsing. One New York based Muganda analyst, who requested that we withold his name, told us in a phone conversation: “Museveni, Nsibambi, Amama Mbabazi, Nakabirwa, Mrs. Museveni and so many other NRM heavyweights supported Sematimba. Then Peter blanketed Rubaga with constant campaign messages on his own radio station. Add on the fact that NRM people paid voters, ferried in illegal voters and stuffed the ballot boxes with thousands of votes. After all that, failing to get a turn-out over 30% in Rubaga is a clear message that the people of are fed up with Musevenism and are thirsting for something else.

“My contacts in FDC admit that many of those who kept away are former FDC Baganda who were convinced by Kamya that Ssebugwaawo was being used by Bakiga who were as anti-Buganda as Museveni’s regime.  FDC is dead in Buganda! Others were turned off by the leadership vacuum in DP and fairly good evidence that Mr. Museveni was funding the DP candidate (Makumbi) through ex-convict and Kampala mayor Haj. Nasser Sebagala. The bottom line is that Museveni and his people should now know that only about 5% of the people in Rubaga were genuinely convinced by Sematimba, Museveni, Nsibambi, Amama Mbabazi and other NRM big wigs to go vote for Sematimba. And at least 70% of the registered voters in Rubaga are opposed to or fed up with the Museveni circus. But that situation is much worse for NRM when it comes to Baganda, especially the militant youths below 25 years. So, if Sematimba or Museveni think that NRM won big in Rubaga, Baganda nationalists should be happy because it is better to have a stupid enemy than a smart one.”

The runner-up to Sematimba was Moses Makumbi of the Democratic Party (DP) who got 9,807 votes (29 percent), followed by Joyce Ssebugwaawo of FDC (15%) and four lesser candidates receiving less than 10% each. Makumbi conceded defeat and congratulated Sematimba quickly after the results were announced, leading to speculation in some DP circles that he was paid something to legitimize Sematimba as soon as possible. On the other hand, according to FDC sources, Joyce Sebugwaawo intends to challenge the elections results in court citing massive fraud by NRM activists with the Uganda Electoral Commission looking the other way.