BY OUR CORRESPONDENT

L-R: Dr Steven Lwetutte (Amnesty International officer on matters concerning with Eastern Europe), Downing Street, Lawrence Muyimba (Treasurer Buganda Centre), Chairman Buganda Centre Deo Kiggundu Malagala and Harriet Senyonjo dilivering a petition to British Prime Minister’s Office, No 10 Downing Street last month.

LONDON: As pressure mounts and more petitions continue, the UK’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office for the first time has come out to speak about the September 11, massacre of 30 unarmed civilians and continue incarceration of over 800 people in the capital Kampala. “The UK government is deeply concerned about the recent rioting in Kampala,” reads  in part an October 23, letter, to expatriate Ugandans who last month petitioned the UK government and the International Community demanding that Uganda’s foreign backers to withdraw their support to dictator Yoweri Museveni’s regime after the September massacre of innocent civilians.

Judith Mann from Great Lakes Section on behalf of Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), wrote: “With our EU partners, we have raised our concerns about the use of excessive force by the police and defence during the riots with the government of Uganda and we have encouraged them to instigate an independent investigation into the riots.” This followed the increase petitions and lobbying by several groups of Ugandans abroad. Since the September, Kampala, streets carnage three groups most of them potential voters in the UK polls, have petitioned British Prime Minister’s No. 10 Downing Street. Whilst, others have prepared several dossiers to the House of Commons, House of Lords, and the European Union.

Although, the Ugandan President Museveni in his speech to the Parliament just after the riot, he justified his forces’ action as they handled the rioters. It has now emerged Uganda Government’s narrative of the events to the International Community is different. Museveni, in his televised directive was “Shoot and Kill’ order when the riot broke out on September 10, as Military Police and other armed security operatives blocked Prime Minister who was preparing His Majesty Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II’s visit to Kayunga an area  in Buganda Kingdom.  However, it has now been understood that when asked to account for the deaths and random arrests, the Uganda government’s message to the FCO is like chalk and cheese.

“The Ugandan authorities have told us that this will be investigated and that where appropriate, individuals will be held to account,” reads a FCO communiqué, contradicting, Museveni’s speech in which he labelled the protestors  as ‘shadowy subversive activities’ against his regime and  ‘hooligans’ whose purpose was meant to loot and destroy properties. During the September 11, riot, allegations of a foreign country, in this regard suspected to be Libya, had allegedly channelled huge amount of money to Buganda Kingdom to fund anti-NRM activities. The kingdom has vehemently denied such allegations, calling it playing dirt politics by Museveni’s regime to divert attention from  legitimate demands and possibly to persecute official from Mengo establishment.
The current-day Uganda acquires its name from the ancient Kingdom of Buganda, a hereditary monarchy that once covered the southern part the country including the capital Kampala. His Majesty Mutebi II, the custodian of the Kingdom has unsolved issues with the central government which include; the return of 9000sqmile of land, its County headquarters and a demand for Federal system of governance that can check corruption. In addition to now the formerly cherished CBS FM radio station which was closed during the recent riot.

In a separate communiqué to this reporter, another officer Ms Stephanie Sandison, said that the General Affairs External Relations Council of the European Union express its concern over the September’s riots in Kampala, arguing the Ugandan Government to resolve any political disputes through peaceful dialogue and democratic  institutions. That,  the Council also urges the Government to do its utmost to assure that there will be a level playing field in the run up to the general elections of 2011 and that these elections will be free, fair and transparent. Ms Sandison said; “This has been agreed jointly by all EU Member States, including the UK.  A full copy of the text can be found at: tttp://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/en/gena/110787.pdf.”

“We continue to monitor the political situation in Uganda closely and regularly discuss human rights issues with the Uganda Government,” said officer Ms Sandison from the Great Lake Region when reacting to question why the British Government unfailingly continues to cosset the tyrannical regime given the well documented human rights abuses. Reacting to a demand made in several petitions by expatriate Ugandans to have the September protesters released, Ms Sandison, said: “We continue to push for further action on human rights issues such as media freedom, illegal detention and politically motivated harassment.”
“The UK Government remains determined to bring stability to the region and will continue to work with the international community and partners in the region to bring this about,” says Ms Sandison.

Not used to public debates, fearing and well aware of the power of the media, President Museveni, justified CBS FM closure, when he claimed that it was inciting violence. Then the government accused CBS and other stations of inflaming violence that erupted in the entire region.

Meanwhile Ugandans in Diaspora joined the 120 country groups to continue lobby the UK Government and EU donors to scrutinise the Uganda Government in to protect their interests. In the last month, Ugandans from different organisations abroad have approached potential lobbyists over the current situation in Uganda.

“A total of 30 innocent civilians were brutally murdered by Museveni’s security forces last month and about 1000 people are still incarcerated in secret places, so, it’s our duty to check this situation,” said a member who attended a meeting with top UK Bishop and a member of House of Lords. The deputation, who has so far secured an informal approach with some UK MPs and members of House of Lords, is lobbying to give accurate and truthful information to the Commons about Uganda.

“We want to inform the legislators here that, the government’s continue backing of Museveni, is putting the British interests in Uganda at risk,” a member who attended an hour meeting at one of the Cathedral on October 19, told this reporter. Exclusively, this reporter has learnt that with the group has also prepared a similar dossier to be circulated to the European Parliament in Brussels-Belgium. A source said: “We are not going to use any form of force, but our brains and the power of the pen. That is why many politicians and Uganda’s foreign backers have welcomed this kind of approach. Let Museveni spend millions of dollars to decorate his corrupt regime, we are encountering his lies by delivering factual evidences,” said a source.

J. Kitandwe
Kabaka’a Territories

The Boston [Buganda Emergency Meeting] Resolutions number 3,8 and 10 prove that Buganda’s greatest problem is we the Baganda ourselves. Up to now we have failed to understand our problem? It is deceptive for any patriotic Muganda or genuine Buganda well wisher to still prescribe federalism, free and fair elections, democracy, and mobilization of other ethnic communities as way forward for Buganda as envisaged in the Boston resolutions 3,8, and 10 (see “Resolutions of the Buganda Emergency Meeting in Boston on October 17, 2009“). The authors of the Boston resolutions should retreat and carefully study the Buganda problem right from the 1950s up to now 2009 and see whether their resolution score any goals for Buganda.

The truth is that Democracy’s free and fair elections wont solve our problem. There is overwhelming evidence that any thing that affects or pains Buganda automatically brings joy/ happiness to the rest of Uganda. Whoever inflicts pain on Buganda automatically gets the backing of the rest parts of Uganda. So what do you [expect] in terms of votes! Definitely the candidate who displays most anti- Bugandaism will get more votes because nothing really unites Ugandans more than their common hate for Buganda.

Buganda struggled and earned full federal in 1962 protected by the 1962 constitution. How did it help us? For how long did it last? How was it lost? What has changed now?

It is laziness to demand for federal now. Self-determination is our right. We have a right to exist the way we prefer. Lets focus on Buganda’s independence. We can re-unite with other Uganda if we find it necessary but on our own terms.          

The organizers of the Buganda Emergency Meeting, which took place on October 17, 2009, in Boston USA, have published the resolutions from the event (see “Muliika And Frank Musisi To Headline Boston Buganda Emergency Conference“).  We first received a copy of the resolutions at around 4:00 PM Boston time but it took us until 7:30 PM to verify that it was genuine. That is when a highly reliable source confirmed to us that the document was being circulated on the top Baganda discussion lists by Mr. James Semakula, one of the organizers.

Buganda post is preparing a story, together with in depth analysis, on the Buganda Emergency Meeting to be published over the weekend.

The resolution document is reproduced in its entirety below:

Resolutions of the Buganda Emergency Meeting in Boston on October 17, 2009‏

Preamble:-

Aware that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICFSCR), guarantee the right to self determination of all people;

Convinced beyond reasonable doubt that the NRM government has violated fundamental human rights;

Saddened by the gross, unjust and inefficient governance inflicted on the people of Uganda by the NRM regime;

Realizing that Unity is essential to achieving our collective objectives;

Determined to rid Uganda of bad governance, dictatorship, and corruption;

Condemning strongly the NRM government’s continued interference in the running of independent institutions and intrusion into the running and electoral process of organizations of Ugandans in the Diaspora;

We hereby earnestly resolve as follows:-

1.    Establish structures to analyze and determine the resources needed to achieve our objectives.

2.    Advise the Kabaka not to directly negotiate with Museveni, his government, or agents of the NRM regime.

3.    Take appropriate steps to fundraise in order to finance the necessary activities to lead to change and the establishment of genuine democracy in Uganda.

4.    Pursue all legal channels that are useful in achieving our objectives including, but not limited to, international legal action.

5.    Educate the International community about the true political situation in Uganda through demonstrations on a regular basis and lobby work at the New York UN headquarters, Washington DC, and other major cities in the world.

6.    Boycott, effective immediately, all government media and other anti-Buganda entities.

7.    Intensify civic education of the people about the problems and possible solution to the problems being faced by Buganda.

8.    Reach out to other Ugandan ethnicities and groups with a view to making alliances to advance the cause of Democracy and Federalism.

9.    Expose government spies, informers, and traitors– and record their illegal activities within and outside Uganda for the purpose of future prosecution.

10.  Seek better Medical treatment for Mrs. Betty Nambooze Bakireke.

11.  Reject (unanimously) the Regional Tier as a form of governance in Uganda.

12.  Agree that Museveni and his regime must go; and resolve to establish a mechanism for free and fair elections

PRESS RELEASE

Uganda: Troops Killed Unarmed People in Riot Period
No Lethal Force Necessary in at Least 13 Fatal Shootings

(Kampala, October 1, 2009) – The Ugandan government should immediately order an independent investigation into the killing of unarmed persons during and after riots in Kampala on September 10 and 11, 2009, Human Rights Watch said today.

A Human Rights Watch investigation found that at least 13 people were shot by government forces in situations where lethal force was unnecessary. The Minister of Internal Affairs reported to parliament that 27 people had died during the riots and that seven were uninvolved in riot activity.

“Shooting in self defense is one thing, but we found that some soldiers shot at bystanders and shot through locked doors,” said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The government needs to put an impartial investigation in motion now.”

The riots in Kampala, Uganda’s capital, began on September 10, when police blocked a delegation representing the Buganda kingdom from visiting Kayunga district. The cultural king of Buganda, known as the kabaka, was planning to visit Kayunga for National Youth Day two days later. The visit was opposed by leaders of the Banyala ethnic group in Kayunga, who reject the kabaka’s authority. The kabaka’s supporters took to the streets to protest the police action, and violence began soon afterward.

Sources at Kampala’s main hospital, Mulago, indicate that 88 victims of the violence were admitted for treatment over this period, most for gunshot wounds. Victims were taken to other hospitals as well. According to the minister of internal affairs, at least 846 people were arrested for alleged crimes committed during the riots, and the arrests continue. At least 24 of the alleged rioters have been charged with terrorism for destroying government property, and many others have been charged with unlawful assembly and inciting violence.

During and after the unrest, Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 50 victims and their family members, witnesses, doctors, and local and senior government officials. On-the-ground research was conducted into the circumstances surrounding the violence in the Kampala neighborhoods of Nateete, Kasubi, Busega, Ndeeba, Bwaise, Bunga, the Salaama Road at Nakinyuguzi zone, and in Mpigi town.

Human Rights Watch investigated several fatal and non-fatal shootings by security forces on September 10 and 11 that raise serious questions about the level of force employed in response to the riots. In a number of cases throughout the city, there is strong evidence that security forces shot individuals who were not threatening them or others.

This challenges statements by some government officials that live ammunition was only fired into the air to clear the streets of protesters.

However, President Yoweri Museveni, addressing parliament on September 10, after the riots broke out, contended that “initially police acted slowly” in response to the unrest. “Looters,” he said, “will be shot on sight, as will those who attack civilians.”

Human Rights Watch said that investigations should look into the circumstances of the rioting and into how to improve policing during demonstrations. Thus far, there is no clear evidence to support the contention of some Ugandan government officials that the Kampala riots were organized in advance. The Buganda kingdom government has denied any role in organizing the riots. Some rioters do appear to have employed parallel tactics, such as burning tires to block roads in several areas of the city, especially on the afternoon of September 10.

Human Rights Watch urged the police and other security forces to abide by the United Nations Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials. The principles call upon law enforcement officials, including military units responding to national emergencies, to apply nonviolent means before resorting to the use of force, to use force only in proportion to the seriousness of the offense, and to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable to protect life. The principles also provide that governments shall ensure that arbitrary or abusive use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials is punished as a criminal offense under their law.

“Much of the attention has focused on the politics surrounding recent events,” said Gagnon. “But the real tragedy is that families have lost loved ones in entirely unnecessary circumstances. They deserve to see justice done.”

Violence and the Response

Human Rights Watch found that in the early stages of the demonstrations on September 10, some protesters resorted to violence in some areas of Kampala, burning at least five cars, one passenger bus, and one delivery truck, blocking some main roads with burning tires and debris, looting shops, and throwing rocks at police and members of the armed forces. In Nateete, protesters burned a police station. In Bwaise, a factory was set on fire. No one was reported injured in either fire, and local hospitals did not report any burn victims. Police, some in riot gear, used teargas in several areas of the city.

Uganda’s inspector general of police (IGP), Maj. Gen. Kale Kayihura, told Human Rights Watch that military police and the army’s Presidential Guard Brigade were deployed under his orders to support the police beginning at around 4 p.m. on September 10, and that infantry soldiers were deployed in support shortly thereafter. Kayihura said that these units fired live ammunition into the air to scatter rioters.

Human Rights Watch’s research indicates that the security forces faced some situations in which the use of firearms may have been warranted. One witness described seeing a rioter steal a civilian security guard’s gun near Kampala Bus Park on September 10 and shoot a policeman in the leg. Kayihura provided two other instances, in Nateete and Sseta, where rioters fired on the security forces. It remains unclear if anyone was injured in those two instances, and those events were not investigated by Human Rights Watch.

Kayihura told Human Rights Watch that, while all government forces had been ordered to use minimum force, non-lethal options such as rubber bullets and pepper spray are not standard issue in all police posts. He claimed that the security forces had few alternatives to shooting live ammunition into the air. Other knowledgeable sources in the police told Human Rights Watch that the police stocks of tear gas had run low and that officials feared they lacked the means to secure the city without using firearms.

Where Lethal Force Was Not Necessary

However, among the episodes that raise serious questions about the use of force, in Bwaise on September 10, local people gathered to observe the fire brigade fight a fire set by rioters earlier that afternoon. An army armored personnel carrier drove by the crowd and the troops on board fired, striking Hussein Mujuuka in the back of the head and killing him instantly. At least 10 others were wounded by the gunfire. Several witnesses told Human Rights Watch that local residents responded by burning tires along the Bwaise-Kampala Road. They said that shootings by the military continued during the evening hours in Bwaise and that many other people were wounded. Deaths from military gunfire also occurred the same day in Kawempe, Nakulabye, Mulago, and the Ndeeba areas of Kampala.

Security forces using live ammunition caused many injuries and at least six deaths on September 11. Witnesses and victims told Human Rights Watch that most Kampala communities were trying to return to normal business after the previous day’s unrest. However, soldiers heavily deployed both on foot and in armored personnel carriers in some areas of the city fired live ammunition. There is evidence in some instances that they deliberately shot and killed or wounded people who were not actively involved in demonstrations or unrest.

For example, military units, some accompanied by police forces deployed in Ndeeba that morning, apparently ordered people on the roads to return home. Over several hours, soldiers shot and killed one person and seriously wounded two more. In each case, the victims were shot after they had entered their homes or workplaces. Witnesses said that soldiers apparently pursued people several hundred meters from the main roads and fired their weapons through locked doors. However, no official curfew had been imposed.

Kinaalwa Sseddulaaka Jackson, the owner of a dry cleaning shop about 100 meters from the Masaka road in Tomusange zone, Ndeeba, hid in his back storage room and locked the back door when an army armored personnel carrier entered Ndeeba and soldiers on board began shooting. A few minutes later, a uniformed soldier walked through the area and fired his AK-47 through Sseddulaaka’s back door, killing him instantly. Human Rights Watch researchers saw two bullet holes in that door, as well as five other bullet holes in doors and walls in the neighborhood. All were in the lower half of the doors and walls.

Soldiers and police also deployed around Nateete market that morning, closing the main gate even though the market was filled with food vendors and customers. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that uniformed soldiers, some wearing the red berets of the military police, began to attack people with sticks and batons, and ordered them to clear the streets and return home. Several women selling matoke (plantains) showed Human Rights Watch large contusions and bruises from having been beaten while trying to flee.

The witnesses said that the soldiers then began firing their weapons, both in the air and into the crowds. One customer was killed and another wounded. One female vendor showed Human Rights Watch where she had been grazed by a bullet on her hip, requiring medical treatment. Human Rights Watch saw three bullet holes in the market walls and three others through its iron roof sheeting.

In Busega, an area dense with open-air shops and stalls, soldiers shot and killed two people in separate incidents that morning. Residents and officials reported that on the previous day, rioters in the area had blocked roads with fires and demanded money from those trying to enter Kampala by car. Rioters had looted a Coca Cola truck and burned it. The situation calmed by 7 p.m. that day, and the shops along the road had reopened. Witnesses said the area had remained calm the next morning until a military armored personnel carrier and military and police trucks drove through, in some cases telling people to clear the streets and return home. The shops closed quickly when soldiers in the personnel carrier began firing live bullets, but 13-year-old Daoudi Ssentongo was struck in the head and killed inside his family’s shop when a bullet ripped through a refrigerator next door. His death triggered more demonstrations, and members of the community tried to block the personnel carrier from re-entering the area by burning debris in the road.

Near where the youth died, soldiers on foot chased people away from the main roundabout, evidently to arrest or deter rioters. Soldiers pursued several young men who ran away. Ronald Kasagga, who supplied ice to the area’s fish vendors, was fatally shot in the chest at close range by a soldier. Witnesses said that the soldier yelled “Stop!” and that when Kasagga turned around, the soldier fired.

Around 11 a.m. on September 11 in Kasubi zone 4, rioters had been taunting nearby soldiers and throwing rocks near a gas station on the main road, witnesses said. When the soldiers pursued them, they ran up the hill, past the home of Stella Kabasinguzi, who had left her house briefly, seeking bread for her three children. The soldiers approached her home, and Kabasinguzi immediately raised her hands in the air. A soldier shot her, in front of her children. She died on the way to the hospital. Human Rights Watch observed three bullet holes through doors in other homes in zone 4, more than 100 meters from the main road where riots had occurred. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that a soldier on foot demanded that people go inside their homes, and shot through the doors when some hesitated.

Throughout the city on September 11, soldiers and police threatened and beat people to obtain information about the whereabouts of alleged rioters. A woman making tea outside her restaurant in Ndeeba was questioned by a uniformed soldier carrying an AK-47. According to several people interviewed separately, when she did not have answers to his questions, he poured the hot tea on her back. He then stuck the gun barrel into her mouth and demanded to know where rioters were hiding. She escaped only after bystanders diverted his attention.

Nile Broadcasting Services broadcast video of police and military patrolling areas on September 11, beating people sitting and standing near their homes in Kazo and throwing them into the backs of police trucks. The authorities did not request names or identity documents before arresting them. In one instance, when a man protested being forcibly removed from his home, he was beaten repeatedly. Police took truckloads of suspects to Kawempe police station. Human Rights Watch researchers observed similar actions on Salaama Road that afternoon.

On September 10, government officials told television stations to stop broadcasting live pictures of the violence. In some instances, government forces forcibly removed video footage from TV stations, appropriated journalists’ cameras and videotapes, and deleted photographs of dead bodies. Some journalists were beaten attempting to report on the unfolding events. The state-owned newspaper, The New Vision, inaccurately reported that mobs had on September 11 burned two people to death in Ndeeba. Local officials from Ndeeba and other knowledgeable sources informed Human Rights Watch that no rioters had burned people, but The New Vision has yet to issue corrections.

The Police Explanation

Police Inspector General Kayihura told Human Rights Watch that the police lacked capacity to respond to the speed and geographical breadth of the events of September 10. Unrest in previous years had centered on Kampala’s Central Business District and had not extended into the populous residential neighborhoods. He said that Uganda’s military police, the Presidential Guard Brigade, and regular army units had both the equipment and the mobility to respond to the unrest. He said that the military police, like the civilian police, have had training in riot control, and that the armored personnel carriers were deployed to help move units around the suburbs where riots were taking place. He said the Ugandan military possesses four of these vehicles – two Gila and two Mamba anti-riot vehicles, which can also be used for “fighting terrorism and insurgency.”

Kayihura said that seven of the 27 reported killed during the riots were not involved in the riots at the time of their deaths, and that they were hit by “stray bullets.” He told Human Rights Watch that the deaths were unfortunate and regrettable, but that the security forces had shown restraint in their response to the unrest. He said that two policemen had been arrested for shooting in the air in Kasubi (the arrests appear unrelated to the death of Kabasinguzi). He said that investigations would be conducted into the circumstances of all the deaths during the riots, but also cited section 69 of Uganda’s penal code, which states that police may use “all such force as is reasonably necessary for overcoming” a riot and police “shall not be liable in any criminal or civil proceeding for having, by the use of such force, caused harm or death to any person.”

According to statements quoted in The New Vision newspaper by the army spokesman, Lt. Col. Felix Kulayigye, military units were deployed under article 209(b) of the constitution, which states that the Ugandan People’s Defence Forces shall “cooperate with the civilian authority in emergency situations” and that once deployed, they act under orders of the inspector general of police.” Kulayigye contended that the situation was “a war” and that the riots had had “genocidal tendencies.” He placed blame for the deaths on the alleged organizers of the riots, but admitted that “the moment the bullet leaves the barrel, anything could happen beyond there.”

Human Rights Watch is deeply concerned that Kulayigye’s statement might encourage members of the security forces to use unnecessary and unlawful lethal force during future encounters with demonstrators.

Museveni told an emergency session of parliament on September 15 that the government will compensate those who lost their properties and vehicles, and it will also assist those who lost family members.

Recommendations

Human Rights Watch urged the government of Uganda to take the following actions:

• Publicly acknowledge and condemn recent shootings of unarmed people by members of the security forces.
• Undertake an independent and impartial investigation into the actions of all soldiers and police alleged to have perpetrated human rights abuses during the September riots. Prosecute those against whom there is sufficient evidence in accordance with international fair trial standards.
• Issue clear public instructions to all government forces involved in policing to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable to protect human life.
• Seek out non-lethal options for police and military responding to demonstrations and protests, and ensure those options are standard issue for police stations.

Human Rights Watch urged donors to the Ugandan government, especially members of the Partners for Democracy and Governance Working Group, to take the following actions:

• Publicly express concern about human rights abuses committed by members of the military and police during the September riots.
• Urge government leaders to hold accountable, in accordance with international fair trial standards, members of the security forces implicated in human rights violations.
• Support the police in acquiring non-lethal options for riot response and ensure that relevant personnel from the police and military receive adequate training.

Background

The role of cultural royalty such as the kabaka in Uganda has been the source of debate historically. President Milton Obote outlawed all cultural leaders in 1966, but Museveni permitted them to return in 1995. Under the constitution, cultural leaders are barred from politics, but they still wield influence over their communities. The kabaka is the king of the Baganda people, the largest ethnic group in Uganda and a key constituency in the upcoming 2011 elections. Since independence, some Baganda political leaders have argued that the Buganda kingdom should be a federal state within Uganda.

Accounts from Victims and Witnesses of Shootings during Recent Kampala Riots

“It was 9 a.m. when I was returning from the village where we buried my friend Deo, who was shot and killed in Ndeeba on Thursday during the riots. When I arrived back to town, I saw a group of soldiers and men in civilian clothes with guns and sticks walking along the road. I ran to the other side of the road and to find a place to hide. The soldiers began to hit us with batons and kick us. They were beating other people in the road as well. I ran away and noticed I had a cut on my head from the baton, and I was bleeding. My friend and I went off the main road and hid by locking ourselves into a storage room near a friend’s shop. We heard the soldier’s footsteps and then he yelled, “Open the door!” I said, “But if we come out, you are going to beat us again.” He said, “You think bullets cannot reach you in there?” Then he fired his gun through the door. A bullet hit the inside of my arm and then entered my stomach and I fell down.”
- Gunshot victim in Ndeeba, September 11

“Things were calm in Mpigi that day. We heard about what was happening in Kampala and someone had lit two tires on fire, but the cars could pass. Faisal and I were standing on the veranda. The soldiers came in a government vehicle and started caning people. One soldier came carrying a stick and a gun. He threw the stick at a boy and then got out the gun. He pointed the gun towards us, and then fired at us two times. I ran and hid at a house nearby. And later, someone said that a man was killed. A bit later, I learned it was Faisal. He had been shot in the neck.”
- Witness to killing of Faisal Bukenya, September 10

“On Friday morning, I saw the boys throwing a few rocks at the soldiers, and then the soldiers started shooting in their direction. Eventually the soldiers rounded up a group of boys and held them at the petrol station. The soldiers were forcing the boys to jump up and down as punishment for throwing rocks. When they tried to move the group of unruly boys, some scattered and the military began shooting at them again. The woman with the three children was killed just then.”
- Witness to the killing of Stella Kabasinguzi, September 11

“She was just on the steps of her home on Friday morning. She had gone to collect some bread for the children. When she saw the soldiers, she threw her hands in the air, but he fired right at her and she fell. He was standing just a bit down from her.”
- Another witness to the killing of Stella Kabasinguzi, September 11

“I was here in the market, selling matoke on Friday morning around 8 a.m. Suddenly, the military came in and started beating people, telling everyone to leave the market. Even the security officer for the market was hit by batons from them. They even beat me very hard on the buttocks, while I was trying to run away. Some of them stole the money I had on the ground. Others started shooting into the market and a boy was hit and a man was killed.”
- Witness to killings and shooting in Nateete, September 11

List of fatal shootings investigated by Human Rights Watch
On September 10

1.            Hussein Mujuuka, shot through the eye by military in personnel carrier, in Bwaise

2.            Robert, Congolese national, shot by military near Qualicell Building in Kampala Bus Park

3.            John Bosco Kaagwa, shot in the back by military near Nakulabye trading center

4.            Ssadam Katongole, shot in the chest by the military at “Kubirri” – Mulago roundabout

5.            Deo Lutaaya, shot in Kabuusu by military in personnel carrier, near Petrol City, on Masaka Road

6.            Muganga Huzairu, shot in the abdomen in Nateete; died at Mulago hospital

7.            Faisal Bukenya, shot in the neck by a soldier in Mpigi Town

On September 11

8.            Ronald Kasagga, shot in the chest by military on foot near Busega roundabout

9.            Kinaalwa Sseddulaaka Jackson, killed by military on foot in Tomusange zone, Ndeeba

10.        Mustaifa Basajjabalaba, shot by military in Kitaka zone, Kibazo road, Busega

11.        Daoudi Ssentongo, killed by military in Busega roundabout

12.        Stella Kabasinguzi, killed by military in zone 4, Kasubi

13.        Customer shot by military in Nateete Market

Other deaths:

14.        Kakooza Hussein, beaten by the police in Nakamiro zone, Kazo, on September 11; died on September 17

Other fatal shootings reported in the media:

15.        Unnamed private security guard working for Saracen Security Company

16.        Patrick Kaijamurubi, military police, from Masindi, killed by a stray bullet shot by another military policeman while Kaijamurubi was fixing tire on his vehicle in Ndeeba

17.        Geoffrey Andama, high school student, shot at Shop Rite Supermarket, near the Clock Tower junction

18.        Benjamin Atere, 2 years old, died from gunshot on Mawanda Road in Mulago

19.        Frank Kafuma, sustained gunshot wounds at Nabweru in Kawempe division, died in Mulago

20.        Yawe Wesige Mukama, shot in Kawempe
To view a slide show of photos from the Kampala riots and their aftermath, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/features/uganda-riots

For more Human Rights Watch reporting on Uganda, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/africa/uganda

For more information, please contact:
In New York, Jon Elliott (English, French): +1-917-379-0713 (mobile)
In New York, Georgette Gagnon (English): +1-212-216-1223; or +1-917-535-0375 (mobile)
In Kampala, Maria Burnett (English, French): +256-7

On September 11, 2009, the United States Department of State issued a statement, warning U.S. citizens about traveling to Uganda. The statement casually refers to Buganda as “a vestige of a pre-modern kingdom located in central Uganda, inclusive of Kampala”. This attitude is remarkably similar to the one that the American and several European embassies in Rwanda had towards the Tutsi rebels months before the 1994 genocide.

The U. S. State Department statement is shown in full below:

Travel Alert

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Bureau of Consular Affairs

The Department of State alerts U.S. citizens to the violent demonstrations stemming from political friction between the central government and the authorities of Buganda, which is a vestige of a pre-modern kingdom located in central Uganda, inclusive of Kampala.  This Travel Alert expires on November 10, 2009.

As a result of these demonstrations, travel within the downtown central business district of Kampala and surrounding areas is severely restricted, and U.S. citizens should be aware that spontaneous demonstrations can occur without notice.  This potential for violent demonstrations will remain throughout the weekend of September 12-13, and may extend into the following week.

The Kampala-Entebbe road that connects the Entebbe International Airport and Kampala was closed several times on September 10, and some roads leading north from Kampala were sporadically closed.  These sporadic closures are expected to continue to occur through the weekend, and perhaps beyond.  This means travel to and from the airport may be severely restricted and may cause lengthy delays.  U.S. citizens planning to travel out of Entebbe International Airport should be sure to give themselves at least four (4) hours to get to the airport from Kampala.

U.S. citizens should be aware that even peaceful gatherings and demonstrations can turn unexpectedly violent.  U.S. citizens in Uganda should remain aware of their surroundings, monitor and assess their own security situations at all times, and avoid large public gatherings, protests, and demonstrations.  U.S. citizens are encouraged to report unusual events or activities to the U.S. Embassy.

U.S. citizens with questions or concerns may telephone the Consular Section of the U.S. Mission in Uganda at (256) (0) (414) 259 791 or (256) (0) (414) 306 001.  In the case of an emergency outside business hours, or during any suspension of public services, U.S. citizens may reach the U.S. Mission duty officer at the same numbers.

For the latest security information, citizens living or traveling abroad should regularly monitor the Department’s Bureau of Consular Affairs internet website at: http://travel.state.gov/, where the current Worldwide Caution, Travel Alerts, Travel Warnings, and Country Specific Information can be found.  Up-to-date information on security can also be obtained by calling 1-888-407-4747 toll free in the U.S. and Canada, or, for callers outside the U.S. and Canada, a regular toll line at 1-202-501-4444.  These numbers are available from 8 a.m. to 8 p.m. Eastern Time, Monday through Friday (except U.S. Federal Holidays).

U.S. citizens are advised to register and update their contact information with the U.S. Mission in Kampala.  The U.S. Embassy is located at Plot 1577 Ggaba Road.  The phone number is (256) (0) (414) 306 001 or (256) (0) (414) 259 791, fax (256) (0) (414) 258 451, email: KampalaUSCitizen@state.gov, and U.S. Embassy Kampala website: http://kampala.usembassy.gov.

Uganda’s vice president, Dr. Gilbert Bukenya has told Kabaka Mutebi and his subjects to forget about  the Federo, which they are agitating for.  Bukenya is supposed to have made these statements in an interview that is published in government owned and controlled Sunday Vision of September 6, 2009. Bukenya was echoing the statement made by president Museveni, during a July 12, 2009 public debate On WBS TV, where he (Museveni) declared: “I can never allow Federo for Buganda”.

August 16, 2009 Bukenya attended the Coronation Anniversary celebrations in Lubiri where Omutaka Nakirembeka chided the vice president and other Baganda members of the NRM government for  parroting their anti-Buganda bosses. Kabaka Mutebi , in what appeared to be a veiled reference to Museveni’s TV declaration, made clear that Buganda would not tolerate any more double-talk on Federo. The Kabaka said: “When we hear some people saying that they don’t know what Federo means, I think they have failed to understand what we mean. You should reply to them that Federo is all about justice and truth, and this is what we demand.”

On his part, Bukenya told Kabaka Mutebi and the tens of  thousands of Baganda present that:  ”Buganda’s Federo concerns are genuine and we need to talk about them seriously. I will make sure to recommend to the appropriate authorities that they be handled.”  Apparently  Bukenya  chose the newspaper interview format to inform  Kabaka Mutebi and his subjects to forget Federo, only saying, “We are giving them a regional government.”

Below is what Bukenya told Moses Mulondo of the new vision in response to a question on Federo. According to our sources in Ugandan media, Bukenya and Uganda state house were involved in composing both the question and the answer . Moreover, Bukenya’s answer was first  shown to the Uganda state house, by Robert Kabushenga, before publication. Therefore, all the vagueness (kavuyo) it contains is intentional.

Question: Do you think Buganda’s demands on federalism are genuine?

Answer: Lets  first of all make this very clear. Long time ago when the Europeans came to the centre of Africa here, there was an absolute monarchy. All the power and the leadership was enthroned in the king of that kingdom. He would even order for the killing of a person if he wanted. When the British came in they started taking away power from the king and giving it to the chiefs.

That was the beginning of process of reducing absolute monarchism. By 1950 monarchism was beginning to die out because the colonialists had introduced elections. Once they introduced the system of one  man one vote, democracy began to take over from the monarchy. Today you would be wasting time or dreaming if you thought of going back to the absolute federalism of the monarchy we used to have before the colonialists

But the Buganda kingdom is not demanding for the federalism it had before colonialism, rather, it is demanding for the federalism it got in 1962 after we had acquired independence

But the 1962 federalism is what we are giving them. We are giving them a regional government. They told you to manage many things; I do not know what they were told to manage in 1962. However, I want this to be re-emphasised for it seems to be our major disagreement. In a democratic arrangement you cannot expect that there will ever be a leader of a government without their being voted for by the population. It’s not possible.

That is why we have been saying, ‘why we don’t dissolve some power by creating regional governments whose leaders will be voted for by the people?’ The central government can give some power and you can call that federalism. But the previous federalism of an absolute monarchy is gone forever.

The full interview is available in the Interview sections of the Sunday Vision at www.sundayvision.co.ug.

Samwiri Mukasa
Buganda Nationalist
USA

I found the arrogance in Mr. Museveni’s “Guidance to Banyoro Bafuruki question” letter, posted in Buganda Post on August 1, 2009, unacceptable. Click on “Tired, Drowning Museveni Blames Baganda For Bunyoro Land Violence” to see the letter. I cannot understand how a man who became president on the backs of Baganda can go so far in abusing us and our Kabaka. I had to do something about it. My late father used to tell us that, if you want deal with a stone-throwing mad man, throw a few rocks at him too. So, I chose to throw my own 9 so called principles at Museveni, blow by blow, here on Buganda Post. Mr. Museveni’s “stones” (poor spelling is his) are shown in regular text and my “rocks” in bold.

Guidance on Baganda vs Guidance on Banyoro

Having thought about all this for a long time, I am proposing the following principles to be part of the solutions.

After reading president Museveni’s letter and thinking about it for a short time, I am proposing the following principles to be part of the solutions.

1.     Ring-fencing the LC 5 positions in the whole of Bunyoro region for the indigenous people; and also ring-fencing the sub-county leadership in the whole of Bunyoro.

1. Ring-fencing all politics in the Kingdom of Buganda for native Baganda people (the Bataka and appropriate community leaders will sort out the details of how to put Baluuri, Banyala, Bakenyi and even certain Bajjwa on the path to full recognition as citizens of Buganda, and integrating some of their unique customary practices in Baganda culture)

2.    Ring-fencing the positions of Member of Parliament in the whole of Bunyoro region for the indeginous people except for the special constituencies created around Rutete (Lutete) and Kisita resettlement schemes. Number and two will in the spirit of article of 9 and article 10 of the 1995 Constitution of Uganda. They were also envisaged by article 32 of the constitution of Uganda which talked about affirmative action in favour of marginalized groups by reason of history or otherwise for the purpose of redressing imbalances that exist against them.

2. Abolishing the bogus 1995 Museveni Constitution since it is a “weapon of Buganda occupation”. Over 90% of Buganda’s people publically protested it because they preferred a federal form of government and Mr. Museveni responded with threats  to use force. The same happened in 1998 when Baganda demonstrated against the Land Act; Mr. Museveni threaten to start a new guerrilla war. Even more importantly, our Kabaka has publically stated, “Tuli mu buwambe” (”we under occupation”) – the Kabaka cannot lie!

3.    All the indigenous people that were on the Mailo land in 1964 should be granted ownership and the absentee landlords should leave the land. All the indeginous people that have been on public land should get titles ownership of that land. The Bafuuriki in the settlement schemes already have their land and should get titles if they do not have them. The Bafuuriki who bought land legally should have their rights recognized.

3. All Baganda who, in 1986, were on land that was later acquired irregularly by non-Baganda (using stolen government funds, drug money, laundered funds, land grabbing, etc.) shall be granted ownership and titles. Proof of income and tax records will be required to support claims of legal acquisition by the non-Baganda. Anyone who bought stolen property (abaagula ebibbe) will automatically lose it as required by ancient Buganda Laws.

4.    All the illegal encroachers in forest reserves should be evicted without compensation as the normadic cattle keepers of Buliisa are being settled in Buganda.

4. All the illegal encroachers in forest reserves, wetlands and cultural sites shall  be evicted without compensation and the nomadic cattle keepers will be repatriated to their home countries, using Tanzania’s successful experience as a model.

5.    The towns and trading centre should be exempted from these affirmative action measures. They should be free for all Ugandans. This is the healthy integration. The totally integrated Uganda should have its nucleus in the urban centers, factories, the hotels, the shops, the real estate etc. in oreder to promote healthy integration, industrialization should be promoted to pull redundant population from rural areas to the urban areas. Here there should be no regulation beyond ensuring that the workers are Ugandans.

5. Land ownership by genuine non-Baganda investors and residents will follow international norms, using countries like Japan, Korea and Israel as models. There will be a limit to the amount of land these non-Baganda investors and residents may own outside urban areas – to be set by the Great Lukiiko.

6.    The indigenous people who get land should be prohibited from selling the land for 20years and also leasing it.

6. The indigenous people who get land shall be free to sell their land to other Buganda or to non-Baganda through Buganda Land Board and according to the laws governing Buganda land.

7.    A program of sensitising the Banyoro and Bafuuriki should be promoted.

7. A program of sensitizing all Baganda and residents of Buganda about the historical and cultural importance we put on our land and environment shall be promoted.

8.    Government should have a special program for developing Bunyoro using money provided by the central government including the British funds.

8. Ssabasajja Kabaka’s Government shall have a comprehensive strategy and several programs to develop the kingdom’s people at a rapid rate, relying on the resources of Kabaka’s people all over the world – Kabaka does not “beg”.

9.    Finally there should a sunset clause to terminate or cause a review of this policy after 20years.

9. Finally, there is no sunset clause to terminate or reduce the rights of Baganda to determine how their God given land in the 18 counties shall be administered.

All this is a consequence of the colonial policies also supported by the traditional chiefs like of Mengo in Uganda, of discouraging the use of Swahili as a national language. If the people of Bunyoro-the Banyoro or the Bafuuriki were using Swahili, their differences would be submerged. It is the use of vernacular that provokes, in part, these contradictions. I like the indeginous languages, in fact I am about to complete a dictionary in Runyakore-Rukiga. However, I see these vanaculars not as an end in themselves. I see them as a source of enriching Swahili. That is why NRM promotes Swahili. We included it in the constitution; we use it in the army etc.

The committee, should, therefore, look at the principles I have mentioned above and see them work. You should also identify any other problems that I have not identified and propose solutions. You should propose any solutions you feel are useful in the areas for which I have suggested solutions.

All this  is a consequence of failure on our part, the Baganda,  to recognize that Uganda has needed us way much more than we did. And, that the relationship is now irreparable, especially since Uganda is a certified failed state, run by common thieves. How would one otherwise explain why the president’s office cannot not use an English spell-checker on Mr. Museveni’s letter?

Awangaale Ssabasajja!

Samwiri Mukasa

Beti Olive Kamya, Uganda’s MP for Lubaga North, used an opinion piece in The Monitor newspaper of April 27, 2009 to announce her new political organization, known as the Uganda Federal Alliance (UFA). Ms. Kamya’s opinion piece is titled “Make Moroto the administrative seat of government” and, on first reading, it may not appear to be related to announcing any political organization. It is too early to tell if  ordinary Baganda, her core constituency, will quickly and widely understand the intrigue rich message and style in Ms. Kamya’s announcement.  

Since November 2008 Beti has been leading a growing “Buganda first” campaign, educating Baganda about their political rights and the need to resist manipulation by existing Uganda political parties, including her own Forum for Democratic Change (FDC). In process, Ms. Kamya has engaged in tough verbal wars with the FDC’s Bakiga most powerful leaders, resulting in a near-collapse of FDC support in Buganda.

In announcing the UFA signaled that she will probably never run for a political office under the FDC flag. How her announcement shade little light on the UFA itself. She did not say whether the organization will focus on Buganda’s rights, as she has done herself for more than 6 months, or whether it would emphasize the federal system. She left out details about the overall political agenda of the UFA, only saying that her organization “will advocate for the use of one stone to kill seven birds – by an Act of Parliament, to shift the administrative seat of government from Kampala to Moroto”.

Click on the title “Make Moroto the administrative seat of government” to read Beti Kamya’s full opinion piece.

CONFERENCE RESOLUTION

The Federal Conference hosted at the London School of Economics,
London from 22 – 24 August 2008 agreed as follows that:

1. Uganda’s reason for existence is, first and foremost to serve the
traditional nations that founded it. We recognise that Uganda’s diverse
nationalities, cultural, beliefs and social composition is what informs who
we are.

2. African nationalism is our inherent right and central to this is the pride
and dignity in being a Musoga or Karamojong or Muganda or Mukiga or
Lugbara, or Acoli, etc and being proud to be a Ugandan.

3. Having reviewed and assessed our lived experiences we resolved in the
words of Michelle Obama that we are driven by a simple belief that
Uganda as it is won’t do; that we have an obligation to fight for a Uganda
as it should be; a Uganda of our aspiration and heritage; a Uganda built
on the interests of her people; a Uganda built on African nationalism; a
Uganda with a constitution that serves all her people; a Uganda with an
authority that serves the people; a Uganda built on consent; a Uganda
we want very much to love and respect.

4. The colonial legacy left us with a conscripted unity constructed on an
Africa without the Africanness verses African nationalism; it diluted and
relegated pride in our cultures and traditional systems of managing
society to an act of treason.

5. A people denied a right to cultural reference has little or nothing to
reinforce at the risk of facing a future of emptiness. We must overcome
this by recognising what brings and holds us together, namely mutual
respect among the traditional nations of Uganda who should freely come
together in an inclusive agenda for all. The aim being to restore the
traditional nations as the foundation for a sustainable, stable and lasting
Uganda.

6. Federalism is the last fight against the legacy of colonialism; that
federalism will give birth to a Uganda Nation-State that enjoys political
and moral support of all the traditional nations of Uganda. We are
prepared learn to talk amongst ourselves to find answers to the
constitutional impunity that has held us in chains and subservient to an
arrogant and detached centre that was created by the colonialists.

7. Territorial integrity and self-determination go hand in hand, however, the
colonial legacy entrenched in the unitary constitution in Uganda
presupposes that demands for self-determination are acts of treason.
This means that anyone asserting his or her right to self-determination in
Uganda faces the wrath of the Government in power. We reject being
treated as prisoners in our own country. We also reject the assumption
that we are subjects of an entity called Uganda.

8. We need an arrangement as a people that recognises each traditional
nation, regardless of size or population as an equal partner with the
other traditional nations that make up Uganda.

9. We petition Parliament to table a motion to debate the urgency to
introduce structural changes that aim to bring everlasting peace and
freedom.

10. We aim to organise a conference that will bring together all the
traditional nations to discuss our common goals and whatever unites us,
paving the way for an acceptable federal constitution uniting us under a
nation-state of our choice.

11. Since we have the theoretical underpinnings and the moral justification
to make the demands that we are making, we are, therefore, setting out
to persuade the country to adopt a federal constitution and its attendant
protocols by the year 2016.

12. To publish a detailed publication of the conference minutes and the
papers that informed the debate.

Issued today: 31/AUGUST/2008
By Leo Ssebweze, Conference Moderator
On behalf of the conference and its organisers