Within hours after a lecture from president Museveni’s chief censor, the management of foreigner owned Capital Radio issued a memo announcing new anti-Buganda policies. Rwandese Godfrey Mutabazi, Museveni’ airwaves enforcer visited Capital Radio and, using his infamous talking points (see “Rwandese Godfrey Mutabazi Censures Uganda Radios, His Talking Points“), specified what the station could and couldn’t broadcast. There was no resistance from the owners, who after a brief discussion, instructed the deputy general manager to implement.

Sources in Kampala tell us that members of the Baganda youth population have taken careful note of Capital FM’s eagerness to collaborate Buganda occupiers.

The memo which Capital Radio management sent to all its presenters, to implement the new anti-Buganda policies is shown below.

To: All Capital Radio Limited Presenters

Cc: Caroline Mukidi Wandera, Derick Nkajja, Jared Mokobo, George Manyali, Patricia Okoed Bukumunhe, Gloria Nakiyimba

Date: 29^th September 2009

Re: BUGANDA CONTENT

Following a meeting with the Broadcasting Council today concerning certain forms of on air content on Beat FM that can be deemed inciting and may have potential to inflame public sentiments, we are required to make key adjustments to our content broadcast on both Capital Radio and Beat FM.

All content relating to Buganda-the Buganda Kingdom and the institution of the Kabaka-will not be aired on both stations, unless as positive stories run in the New Vision or Bukedde newspapers covered in our press review. The stories which are positive are those that enhance the relationship between the Central Government and the Buganda Kingdom and do not incite the public into violence. In this context we shall not however give opinion but report them as fact.

More specific to Beat FM, we shall:

(a)  Stop all talk and promos in support of Buganda Certificates.

(b)  Stop all talk and promos in support of the Buganda Football Tournament Cup finals Amasaza Cup this Saturday

(c)   Stop all songs about Buganda and in some cases those about Buganda ’s quest for federo or those eulogizing the Kabaka and SeKabaka’s.

(d)  Stop all traditional drums and shakers that introduced the evening drive interspersed with homage to the Kabaka.

(e)  Stop any other comment that promotes the Buganda Kingdom or the Kabaka.

(f)   Stop all news coverage about Mengo or the Kabaka.

We shall only focus on lifestyle and entertainment content throughout our broadcasts.

For any future changes on this policy, I will duly communicate

Joel IsabiryeDeputy
General Manager
Programme Controller
Capital Radio Limited

Uganda police sources indicate that the number of people who have been arrested in connection with the Kayunga demonstrations is has now grown to over 1,000 and rouge officers and magistrates are making quick money. In the first 5 days after the disturbances where the NRM police and army shot dead 30 Baganda, about 600 people were arrested. Since then, the police has continued to arrest more Baganda, claiming that they are looking for ringleaders and other participants in what they (the police) claim to be public violence and terrorist activities.

Baganda sources within Museveni’s  police force have informed us that the primary reasons why so many people are being arrested are politics and money.  One source told us: “These arrests were ordered from the very top for political reasons. They provide a chance for the NRM to shut up its loudest opponents in Mmengo and the opposition parties, especially DP.  It is one way to put make it difficult for the opposition to start organizing themselves for the 2011 campaigns. The majority are arrested not because of evidence that they did anything but because they used to talk a lot against the NRM government on radio stations. So many of them are Baganda DP or FDC campaigners. In some cases the evidence is manufactured using tips from Banyankore, Bakiga and other non-Baganda who are NRM moles in the opposition parties.”

Another Muganda veteran police officer told our investigator that money is also a big reason why the arrests are growing. The office explained: “As you may expect, when an innocent Muganda is arrested on allegations of inciting violence, his or her family will normally be desperate to have him freed on bail. The arresting officers and the magistrate make some quick money by charging the desperate family anywhere between Shs 150,000 and Shs 400,000 (US$74 to $198) depending on situation. They eat the money and in the books they write that the suspect has been freed on a ‘no cash’ police bond. In law this is called extortion and I know that top people in the police force know that it is going on or may even be supporting it.”

The Uganda police force is commanded by Kalyekezi Kayihura, a Rwanda national who came to Uganda as a refugee and joined Uganda police where Mr. Museveni quickly rose him to the rank of General.

PRESS RELEASE

Uganda: Troops Killed Unarmed People in Riot Period
No Lethal Force Necessary in at Least 13 Fatal Shootings

(Kampala, October 1, 2009) – The Ugandan government should immediately order an independent investigation into the killing of unarmed persons during and after riots in Kampala on September 10 and 11, 2009, Human Rights Watch said today.

A Human Rights Watch investigation found that at least 13 people were shot by government forces in situations where lethal force was unnecessary. The Minister of Internal Affairs reported to parliament that 27 people had died during the riots and that seven were uninvolved in riot activity.

“Shooting in self defense is one thing, but we found that some soldiers shot at bystanders and shot through locked doors,” said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The government needs to put an impartial investigation in motion now.”

The riots in Kampala, Uganda’s capital, began on September 10, when police blocked a delegation representing the Buganda kingdom from visiting Kayunga district. The cultural king of Buganda, known as the kabaka, was planning to visit Kayunga for National Youth Day two days later. The visit was opposed by leaders of the Banyala ethnic group in Kayunga, who reject the kabaka’s authority. The kabaka’s supporters took to the streets to protest the police action, and violence began soon afterward.

Sources at Kampala’s main hospital, Mulago, indicate that 88 victims of the violence were admitted for treatment over this period, most for gunshot wounds. Victims were taken to other hospitals as well. According to the minister of internal affairs, at least 846 people were arrested for alleged crimes committed during the riots, and the arrests continue. At least 24 of the alleged rioters have been charged with terrorism for destroying government property, and many others have been charged with unlawful assembly and inciting violence.

During and after the unrest, Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 50 victims and their family members, witnesses, doctors, and local and senior government officials. On-the-ground research was conducted into the circumstances surrounding the violence in the Kampala neighborhoods of Nateete, Kasubi, Busega, Ndeeba, Bwaise, Bunga, the Salaama Road at Nakinyuguzi zone, and in Mpigi town.

Human Rights Watch investigated several fatal and non-fatal shootings by security forces on September 10 and 11 that raise serious questions about the level of force employed in response to the riots. In a number of cases throughout the city, there is strong evidence that security forces shot individuals who were not threatening them or others.

This challenges statements by some government officials that live ammunition was only fired into the air to clear the streets of protesters.

However, President Yoweri Museveni, addressing parliament on September 10, after the riots broke out, contended that “initially police acted slowly” in response to the unrest. “Looters,” he said, “will be shot on sight, as will those who attack civilians.”

Human Rights Watch said that investigations should look into the circumstances of the rioting and into how to improve policing during demonstrations. Thus far, there is no clear evidence to support the contention of some Ugandan government officials that the Kampala riots were organized in advance. The Buganda kingdom government has denied any role in organizing the riots. Some rioters do appear to have employed parallel tactics, such as burning tires to block roads in several areas of the city, especially on the afternoon of September 10.

Human Rights Watch urged the police and other security forces to abide by the United Nations Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials. The principles call upon law enforcement officials, including military units responding to national emergencies, to apply nonviolent means before resorting to the use of force, to use force only in proportion to the seriousness of the offense, and to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable to protect life. The principles also provide that governments shall ensure that arbitrary or abusive use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials is punished as a criminal offense under their law.

“Much of the attention has focused on the politics surrounding recent events,” said Gagnon. “But the real tragedy is that families have lost loved ones in entirely unnecessary circumstances. They deserve to see justice done.”

Violence and the Response

Human Rights Watch found that in the early stages of the demonstrations on September 10, some protesters resorted to violence in some areas of Kampala, burning at least five cars, one passenger bus, and one delivery truck, blocking some main roads with burning tires and debris, looting shops, and throwing rocks at police and members of the armed forces. In Nateete, protesters burned a police station. In Bwaise, a factory was set on fire. No one was reported injured in either fire, and local hospitals did not report any burn victims. Police, some in riot gear, used teargas in several areas of the city.

Uganda’s inspector general of police (IGP), Maj. Gen. Kale Kayihura, told Human Rights Watch that military police and the army’s Presidential Guard Brigade were deployed under his orders to support the police beginning at around 4 p.m. on September 10, and that infantry soldiers were deployed in support shortly thereafter. Kayihura said that these units fired live ammunition into the air to scatter rioters.

Human Rights Watch’s research indicates that the security forces faced some situations in which the use of firearms may have been warranted. One witness described seeing a rioter steal a civilian security guard’s gun near Kampala Bus Park on September 10 and shoot a policeman in the leg. Kayihura provided two other instances, in Nateete and Sseta, where rioters fired on the security forces. It remains unclear if anyone was injured in those two instances, and those events were not investigated by Human Rights Watch.

Kayihura told Human Rights Watch that, while all government forces had been ordered to use minimum force, non-lethal options such as rubber bullets and pepper spray are not standard issue in all police posts. He claimed that the security forces had few alternatives to shooting live ammunition into the air. Other knowledgeable sources in the police told Human Rights Watch that the police stocks of tear gas had run low and that officials feared they lacked the means to secure the city without using firearms.

Where Lethal Force Was Not Necessary

However, among the episodes that raise serious questions about the use of force, in Bwaise on September 10, local people gathered to observe the fire brigade fight a fire set by rioters earlier that afternoon. An army armored personnel carrier drove by the crowd and the troops on board fired, striking Hussein Mujuuka in the back of the head and killing him instantly. At least 10 others were wounded by the gunfire. Several witnesses told Human Rights Watch that local residents responded by burning tires along the Bwaise-Kampala Road. They said that shootings by the military continued during the evening hours in Bwaise and that many other people were wounded. Deaths from military gunfire also occurred the same day in Kawempe, Nakulabye, Mulago, and the Ndeeba areas of Kampala.

Security forces using live ammunition caused many injuries and at least six deaths on September 11. Witnesses and victims told Human Rights Watch that most Kampala communities were trying to return to normal business after the previous day’s unrest. However, soldiers heavily deployed both on foot and in armored personnel carriers in some areas of the city fired live ammunition. There is evidence in some instances that they deliberately shot and killed or wounded people who were not actively involved in demonstrations or unrest.

For example, military units, some accompanied by police forces deployed in Ndeeba that morning, apparently ordered people on the roads to return home. Over several hours, soldiers shot and killed one person and seriously wounded two more. In each case, the victims were shot after they had entered their homes or workplaces. Witnesses said that soldiers apparently pursued people several hundred meters from the main roads and fired their weapons through locked doors. However, no official curfew had been imposed.

Kinaalwa Sseddulaaka Jackson, the owner of a dry cleaning shop about 100 meters from the Masaka road in Tomusange zone, Ndeeba, hid in his back storage room and locked the back door when an army armored personnel carrier entered Ndeeba and soldiers on board began shooting. A few minutes later, a uniformed soldier walked through the area and fired his AK-47 through Sseddulaaka’s back door, killing him instantly. Human Rights Watch researchers saw two bullet holes in that door, as well as five other bullet holes in doors and walls in the neighborhood. All were in the lower half of the doors and walls.

Soldiers and police also deployed around Nateete market that morning, closing the main gate even though the market was filled with food vendors and customers. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that uniformed soldiers, some wearing the red berets of the military police, began to attack people with sticks and batons, and ordered them to clear the streets and return home. Several women selling matoke (plantains) showed Human Rights Watch large contusions and bruises from having been beaten while trying to flee.

The witnesses said that the soldiers then began firing their weapons, both in the air and into the crowds. One customer was killed and another wounded. One female vendor showed Human Rights Watch where she had been grazed by a bullet on her hip, requiring medical treatment. Human Rights Watch saw three bullet holes in the market walls and three others through its iron roof sheeting.

In Busega, an area dense with open-air shops and stalls, soldiers shot and killed two people in separate incidents that morning. Residents and officials reported that on the previous day, rioters in the area had blocked roads with fires and demanded money from those trying to enter Kampala by car. Rioters had looted a Coca Cola truck and burned it. The situation calmed by 7 p.m. that day, and the shops along the road had reopened. Witnesses said the area had remained calm the next morning until a military armored personnel carrier and military and police trucks drove through, in some cases telling people to clear the streets and return home. The shops closed quickly when soldiers in the personnel carrier began firing live bullets, but 13-year-old Daoudi Ssentongo was struck in the head and killed inside his family’s shop when a bullet ripped through a refrigerator next door. His death triggered more demonstrations, and members of the community tried to block the personnel carrier from re-entering the area by burning debris in the road.

Near where the youth died, soldiers on foot chased people away from the main roundabout, evidently to arrest or deter rioters. Soldiers pursued several young men who ran away. Ronald Kasagga, who supplied ice to the area’s fish vendors, was fatally shot in the chest at close range by a soldier. Witnesses said that the soldier yelled “Stop!” and that when Kasagga turned around, the soldier fired.

Around 11 a.m. on September 11 in Kasubi zone 4, rioters had been taunting nearby soldiers and throwing rocks near a gas station on the main road, witnesses said. When the soldiers pursued them, they ran up the hill, past the home of Stella Kabasinguzi, who had left her house briefly, seeking bread for her three children. The soldiers approached her home, and Kabasinguzi immediately raised her hands in the air. A soldier shot her, in front of her children. She died on the way to the hospital. Human Rights Watch observed three bullet holes through doors in other homes in zone 4, more than 100 meters from the main road where riots had occurred. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that a soldier on foot demanded that people go inside their homes, and shot through the doors when some hesitated.

Throughout the city on September 11, soldiers and police threatened and beat people to obtain information about the whereabouts of alleged rioters. A woman making tea outside her restaurant in Ndeeba was questioned by a uniformed soldier carrying an AK-47. According to several people interviewed separately, when she did not have answers to his questions, he poured the hot tea on her back. He then stuck the gun barrel into her mouth and demanded to know where rioters were hiding. She escaped only after bystanders diverted his attention.

Nile Broadcasting Services broadcast video of police and military patrolling areas on September 11, beating people sitting and standing near their homes in Kazo and throwing them into the backs of police trucks. The authorities did not request names or identity documents before arresting them. In one instance, when a man protested being forcibly removed from his home, he was beaten repeatedly. Police took truckloads of suspects to Kawempe police station. Human Rights Watch researchers observed similar actions on Salaama Road that afternoon.

On September 10, government officials told television stations to stop broadcasting live pictures of the violence. In some instances, government forces forcibly removed video footage from TV stations, appropriated journalists’ cameras and videotapes, and deleted photographs of dead bodies. Some journalists were beaten attempting to report on the unfolding events. The state-owned newspaper, The New Vision, inaccurately reported that mobs had on September 11 burned two people to death in Ndeeba. Local officials from Ndeeba and other knowledgeable sources informed Human Rights Watch that no rioters had burned people, but The New Vision has yet to issue corrections.

The Police Explanation

Police Inspector General Kayihura told Human Rights Watch that the police lacked capacity to respond to the speed and geographical breadth of the events of September 10. Unrest in previous years had centered on Kampala’s Central Business District and had not extended into the populous residential neighborhoods. He said that Uganda’s military police, the Presidential Guard Brigade, and regular army units had both the equipment and the mobility to respond to the unrest. He said that the military police, like the civilian police, have had training in riot control, and that the armored personnel carriers were deployed to help move units around the suburbs where riots were taking place. He said the Ugandan military possesses four of these vehicles – two Gila and two Mamba anti-riot vehicles, which can also be used for “fighting terrorism and insurgency.”

Kayihura said that seven of the 27 reported killed during the riots were not involved in the riots at the time of their deaths, and that they were hit by “stray bullets.” He told Human Rights Watch that the deaths were unfortunate and regrettable, but that the security forces had shown restraint in their response to the unrest. He said that two policemen had been arrested for shooting in the air in Kasubi (the arrests appear unrelated to the death of Kabasinguzi). He said that investigations would be conducted into the circumstances of all the deaths during the riots, but also cited section 69 of Uganda’s penal code, which states that police may use “all such force as is reasonably necessary for overcoming” a riot and police “shall not be liable in any criminal or civil proceeding for having, by the use of such force, caused harm or death to any person.”

According to statements quoted in The New Vision newspaper by the army spokesman, Lt. Col. Felix Kulayigye, military units were deployed under article 209(b) of the constitution, which states that the Ugandan People’s Defence Forces shall “cooperate with the civilian authority in emergency situations” and that once deployed, they act under orders of the inspector general of police.” Kulayigye contended that the situation was “a war” and that the riots had had “genocidal tendencies.” He placed blame for the deaths on the alleged organizers of the riots, but admitted that “the moment the bullet leaves the barrel, anything could happen beyond there.”

Human Rights Watch is deeply concerned that Kulayigye’s statement might encourage members of the security forces to use unnecessary and unlawful lethal force during future encounters with demonstrators.

Museveni told an emergency session of parliament on September 15 that the government will compensate those who lost their properties and vehicles, and it will also assist those who lost family members.

Recommendations

Human Rights Watch urged the government of Uganda to take the following actions:

• Publicly acknowledge and condemn recent shootings of unarmed people by members of the security forces.
• Undertake an independent and impartial investigation into the actions of all soldiers and police alleged to have perpetrated human rights abuses during the September riots. Prosecute those against whom there is sufficient evidence in accordance with international fair trial standards.
• Issue clear public instructions to all government forces involved in policing to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable to protect human life.
• Seek out non-lethal options for police and military responding to demonstrations and protests, and ensure those options are standard issue for police stations.

Human Rights Watch urged donors to the Ugandan government, especially members of the Partners for Democracy and Governance Working Group, to take the following actions:

• Publicly express concern about human rights abuses committed by members of the military and police during the September riots.
• Urge government leaders to hold accountable, in accordance with international fair trial standards, members of the security forces implicated in human rights violations.
• Support the police in acquiring non-lethal options for riot response and ensure that relevant personnel from the police and military receive adequate training.

Background

The role of cultural royalty such as the kabaka in Uganda has been the source of debate historically. President Milton Obote outlawed all cultural leaders in 1966, but Museveni permitted them to return in 1995. Under the constitution, cultural leaders are barred from politics, but they still wield influence over their communities. The kabaka is the king of the Baganda people, the largest ethnic group in Uganda and a key constituency in the upcoming 2011 elections. Since independence, some Baganda political leaders have argued that the Buganda kingdom should be a federal state within Uganda.

Accounts from Victims and Witnesses of Shootings during Recent Kampala Riots

“It was 9 a.m. when I was returning from the village where we buried my friend Deo, who was shot and killed in Ndeeba on Thursday during the riots. When I arrived back to town, I saw a group of soldiers and men in civilian clothes with guns and sticks walking along the road. I ran to the other side of the road and to find a place to hide. The soldiers began to hit us with batons and kick us. They were beating other people in the road as well. I ran away and noticed I had a cut on my head from the baton, and I was bleeding. My friend and I went off the main road and hid by locking ourselves into a storage room near a friend’s shop. We heard the soldier’s footsteps and then he yelled, “Open the door!” I said, “But if we come out, you are going to beat us again.” He said, “You think bullets cannot reach you in there?” Then he fired his gun through the door. A bullet hit the inside of my arm and then entered my stomach and I fell down.”
- Gunshot victim in Ndeeba, September 11

“Things were calm in Mpigi that day. We heard about what was happening in Kampala and someone had lit two tires on fire, but the cars could pass. Faisal and I were standing on the veranda. The soldiers came in a government vehicle and started caning people. One soldier came carrying a stick and a gun. He threw the stick at a boy and then got out the gun. He pointed the gun towards us, and then fired at us two times. I ran and hid at a house nearby. And later, someone said that a man was killed. A bit later, I learned it was Faisal. He had been shot in the neck.”
- Witness to killing of Faisal Bukenya, September 10

“On Friday morning, I saw the boys throwing a few rocks at the soldiers, and then the soldiers started shooting in their direction. Eventually the soldiers rounded up a group of boys and held them at the petrol station. The soldiers were forcing the boys to jump up and down as punishment for throwing rocks. When they tried to move the group of unruly boys, some scattered and the military began shooting at them again. The woman with the three children was killed just then.”
- Witness to the killing of Stella Kabasinguzi, September 11

“She was just on the steps of her home on Friday morning. She had gone to collect some bread for the children. When she saw the soldiers, she threw her hands in the air, but he fired right at her and she fell. He was standing just a bit down from her.”
- Another witness to the killing of Stella Kabasinguzi, September 11

“I was here in the market, selling matoke on Friday morning around 8 a.m. Suddenly, the military came in and started beating people, telling everyone to leave the market. Even the security officer for the market was hit by batons from them. They even beat me very hard on the buttocks, while I was trying to run away. Some of them stole the money I had on the ground. Others started shooting into the market and a boy was hit and a man was killed.”
- Witness to killings and shooting in Nateete, September 11

List of fatal shootings investigated by Human Rights Watch
On September 10

1.            Hussein Mujuuka, shot through the eye by military in personnel carrier, in Bwaise

2.            Robert, Congolese national, shot by military near Qualicell Building in Kampala Bus Park

3.            John Bosco Kaagwa, shot in the back by military near Nakulabye trading center

4.            Ssadam Katongole, shot in the chest by the military at “Kubirri” – Mulago roundabout

5.            Deo Lutaaya, shot in Kabuusu by military in personnel carrier, near Petrol City, on Masaka Road

6.            Muganga Huzairu, shot in the abdomen in Nateete; died at Mulago hospital

7.            Faisal Bukenya, shot in the neck by a soldier in Mpigi Town

On September 11

8.            Ronald Kasagga, shot in the chest by military on foot near Busega roundabout

9.            Kinaalwa Sseddulaaka Jackson, killed by military on foot in Tomusange zone, Ndeeba

10.        Mustaifa Basajjabalaba, shot by military in Kitaka zone, Kibazo road, Busega

11.        Daoudi Ssentongo, killed by military in Busega roundabout

12.        Stella Kabasinguzi, killed by military in zone 4, Kasubi

13.        Customer shot by military in Nateete Market

Other deaths:

14.        Kakooza Hussein, beaten by the police in Nakamiro zone, Kazo, on September 11; died on September 17

Other fatal shootings reported in the media:

15.        Unnamed private security guard working for Saracen Security Company

16.        Patrick Kaijamurubi, military police, from Masindi, killed by a stray bullet shot by another military policeman while Kaijamurubi was fixing tire on his vehicle in Ndeeba

17.        Geoffrey Andama, high school student, shot at Shop Rite Supermarket, near the Clock Tower junction

18.        Benjamin Atere, 2 years old, died from gunshot on Mawanda Road in Mulago

19.        Frank Kafuma, sustained gunshot wounds at Nabweru in Kawempe division, died in Mulago

20.        Yawe Wesige Mukama, shot in Kawempe
To view a slide show of photos from the Kampala riots and their aftermath, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/features/uganda-riots

For more Human Rights Watch reporting on Uganda, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/africa/uganda

For more information, please contact:
In New York, Jon Elliott (English, French): +1-917-379-0713 (mobile)
In New York, Georgette Gagnon (English): +1-212-216-1223; or +1-917-535-0375 (mobile)
In Kampala, Maria Burnett (English, French): +256-7

A radical Baganda nationalist organization has warned president Museveni of Uganda about his plans to force Kabaka Mutebi of Buganda to meet him (Museveni).

According to a statement issued by Asumani Balwaana Kaama, the spokesman for Union of Councils for Gwanga Mujje, “Ssabasajja Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II, the 36th Kabaka of the Buganda nation, is the symbol of our being, our culture and our pride. He is however NOT our servant or spokesperson and CANNOT negotiate anything on Obuganda’s behalf. The religious leaders who are supposed to be in the Kabaka’s entourage are also neither honorable nor competent to represent Obuganda. They are not authorized to represent or speak for Buganda’s interests at this meeting.”

The Union of Councils for Gwanga Mujje statement is reproduced below:

WARNING TO DICTATOR MUSEVENI ABOUT SSAABASAJJA
“NO ONE SPEAKS IN BUGANDA’S NAME WITHOUT THE DIRECT AUTHORITY FROM OBUGANDA”

The Union of Councils for Ggwanga Mujje would like to express and as well convey its profound and heartfelt sympathies to families that lost loved ones, Obuganda and all Ugandans during the September 09 public demonstrations in Kampala.

We acknowledge that Buganda is presently under occupation, just like Northern Uganda has been over the past 20 years. However, Dictator Museveni and his henchmen will be held personally responsible for these crimes against humanity at an appropriate time in the near future.

In a futile and cowardly show of strength, Dictator Museveni is forcing a meeting with His Majesty, Ssaabasajja the Kabaka of Buganda in an effort to claim some bizarre dark victory in the current standoff.

Dictator Museveni is praying and hoping on forcing concessions that will be of detriment to the Kingdom of Buganda from His Majesty the Kabaka.

In the absence of CBS Radio, and in an environment dominated by pro NRMO media, the Dictator wants to use the occasion of the face to face meeting to make some kind of rapprochements on dense ideas such the Regional Tier and other nonsensical projects like the Land Bill, Extension of Kampala, an Elected Katikkiro, the Creation of Saaba… this and Saaba… that, within Buganda.

Thereafter, the Dictator will want to claim that the Kabaka will work directly under his orders from now on.

Warning to the Dictator

The Union of Councils for Ggwanga Mujje would like to warn Dictator Yosweri Tibahurwa, Kayibanda Museveni, that if he goes ahead with this futile meeting, the Obuganda will not accept or be bound by whatever agreements he will come up with.

His Majesty, Ssaabasajja Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II, the 36th Kabaka of the Buganda nation, is the symbol of our being, our culture and our pride. He is however NOT our servant or spokesperson and CANNOT negotiate anything on Obuganda’s behalf. The religious leaders who are supposed to be in the Kabaka’s entourage are also neither honourable nor competent to represent Obuganda. They are not authorised to represent or speak for Buganda’s interests at this meeting.

Obuganda will therefore not recognise or accept whatever concoction this meeting might achieve.

Any further attempts by Dictator Museveni to compromise or denigrate Ssaabasajja Kabaka or the institution he represents will result in a quick and effective uprising never seen before in the Great Lakes region which will finally rid Uganda of a Dictator with questionable and poor breeding.

The Union of Councils for Ggwanga Mujje would like to graciously and humbly remind Ssaabasajja Kabaka Mutebi to ensure that he does NOT smile or shake hands with Dictator Museveni , or sit anywhere within 5 feet from him, EVER.

We know for a fact that Dictator Museveni‘s intention is to bewitch His Majesty, Ssaabasajja Kabaka and take his influence and powers so that he can rule Uganda forever. Dictator Museveni obtained Juju (fetishes) from Cameroon which required him to sacrifice at least 50 adolescent virgins (school fires, Buddo etc) and the final act of this ritual is a face to face meet with Ssaabasajja Kabaka and shake his hand. That is why Dictator Museveni has been so pissed off and lamenting about the Ssaabasajja not taking his calls for over two years.

If His Majesty the Kabaka decides to meet the Dictator, whatever takes place must not compromise the dignity or undermine Ssaabasajja’s authority among his subjects.

AWANGALE SSAABASAJJA

Asumani Balwaana Kaama

Union of Councils for Gwanga Mujje

In an exclusive communication to Buganda Post, a group of Baganda professionals based in Europe have announced that, they are constituting what they called a virtual court to start collecting evidence against Buganda occupiers and their collaborators. They call the virtual court, which includes both lawyers and other professionals,  Embuga Mununula (from effort to rescue Buganda). The members of Embuga Mununula claim that they have started the initiative in the name of their Kabaka although, obviously, he did not personally instruct them. They argue that, since Buganda is occupied by foreigners and Kabaka Mutebi’s movements are now controlled by a Rwandese mercenary, Kalyekezi Kayihura, their action is consistent with the tradition of fighting against occupation forces.

Among the prominent NRM government officials under investigation are Yoweri Tebaruha Museveni, Gilbert Balibaseka Bukenya, David Tinyefuza, Kahinda Otafiire, Kalyekezi Kayihura, Caleb Akandwanaho and John Nagenda. Over the next several months, evidence will be collected and potential witnesses identified, with a goal of building cases against key members of the occupation force and their collaborators. The applicable law will be a combination of English Law and native Buganda Law. For example, native Buganda Law provides for the death penalty on conviction of  treason and betraying Namulondo but also allows collective punishment, where the convict’s whole family is condemned as traitors.

According to the Embuga Mununula founders, as soon as Baganda gain the capacity administer fair trials and carry out appropriate punishments humanely, speedy open trials and sentencing will start. The group does not predict how long this will take. In fact they say that they are willing to continue building cases for as long as Buganda is under occupation. Even if a suspect dies the Baganda who have suffered through his actions will still want his estate to compensate the victims and, in some cases, members of his family to be punished according to native Buganda Law.

The first batch of high value personalities to be investigated first is shown below:

Boston and New York Baganda have announced that they will join to demonstrate against president Yoweri Museveni whose army and secret police are in an armed occupation of the kingdom of Buganda. According to the Baganda activists, their demonstration will take place at the same time that the Ugandan war load will be speaking at the UN General Assembly.

The statement announcing the demonstrations is reproduced below:

GGWANGAMUJJE NY/NJ AND GGWANGAMUJJE BOSTON calling you to attend Wednesday, September 23, 2009 demonstrations at UNITED NATIONS at 1^st Avenue and 47^th Street between 11:00 and 3:00PM. Demonstrations will take place at the same time when he is giving speech at the UNITED NATIONS.

Ggwangamujje Boston are pooling in buses so Ugandans in New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Pennsylvania and Delaware plan in advance to take a day off.

We are demonstrating against Museveni ruthless killing of unarmed civilians by his Military armed forces. The Violation of Human Rights and Freedom of Speech. Museveni’s inciting of tribal crisis (Baganda against Banyala / Banyoro against Bafuruki). The world MUST be informed in advance that ethnic clashes in Africa end up in genocides.

MORE INFORMATION WILL BE SENT OVER THE WEEKEND.

Let Your Voice be Heard.

See Cruel killing on the link below:

http://sites.google.com/site/ugandasbloody999/home and or

http://sites.google.com/site/ugandasbloody999/home/evidence

http://sites.google.com/site/ugandasbloody999/home/evidence

The Serumaga family has published a statement which describes in detail the events surrounding the abduction, torture and medical mistreatment of  popular Muganda journalist, Kalundi Serumaga, by Uganda’s  NRM government from September 11 through 15, 2009. According to the family statement, Robert Kalundi Serumaga was abducted by 5 armed men outside the studios of WBS TV, Spear House at about 11pm on Friday September 11, 2009. Robert had just left the studios where he had appeared on the Kibazo live discussion program. He was accompanied by his colleagues.

As they departed, Robert  was approached by the men, two of whom grabbed him by his trouser belt, and told him they were arresting him. He asked them who they were and they claimed to be responded police officers. One held up a piece of paper purposely to support their claim. They then immediately began to assault him.  Robert put up a fight until they threw him to the ground, after which they threw his telephones towards his colleagues.

Apparently, Robert fell unconscious thereafter and was dragged from the scene to De Winton Road where his attackers  bundled him in to the back seat of a waiting Toyota Mark II. He regained consciousness in the car as the men tried to undress him and remove things from his pockets.  The trip ended at the infamous Kireka JATT torture center where, next day, he was repeatedly slapped and punched by president Museveni’s operatives during questioning. In the meantime, Robert’s brother, Kizito Sserumaga searched all Police Stations in Kampala to no avail.

Kizito contacted the Irish Embassy for assistance, as Robert is a citizen of Ireland by birth. A concerted effort by the Serumaga family, involving the Irish ambassador to Uganda, TV stations and the Uganda Journalists Association, plus increasing awareness of the kidnap in the international media, convinced Mr. Museveni to produce Robert Serumaga. He was produced by the notorious CID officer, Jonah Kule on September 12, 2009. However, despite the sorry state of his health, Robert was put in a cell that day, without medical attention, where he was again physically assaulted.

Robert first got treatment on September 13, 2009, when the Police doctor, Dr Moses Byaruhanga, arrived took him to the International Medical Centre at KPC, under heavy guard. Later the Rwandese commander of Uganda police, Kale Kayihura, allowed Serumaga to be moved to Kampala International Hospital as the family wished. Earlier, Dr. Byaruhanga had insisted that Robert must only be admitted in the government’s dilapidated Mulago Hospital, where NRM opponents have been reportedly murdered by Mr. Museveni’s agents.

Contravening Mr. Museveni’s Uganda constitutional requirement that suspects be charged in court within 48 hours, Robert was produced at Buganda Road Magistrate’s Court on September 15, 2009. He was charged with 6 counts of sedition resulting from his remarks during the Kibazo program on WBS TV. He was granted bail and release shortly afterwards.

The Serumaga family also reveals that they took a photo (by cell phone) of one of Robert’s torturers when, at the International Medical Center when one of  Robert’s colleagues recognized him as one his original kidnappers. It a bizarre twist, after learning that someone in the Serumaga party had taken the photo, the police brought their video unit and filmed Serumaga and all his family and friends, in an apparent act of intimidation. The Serumaga family showed the torturer’s police commander Kale Kayihura explained that the man in question had, at the JATT torture center, inserted his thumbs and fingers in Robert’s eyes and attempted to gouge them out. He claimed not to know the man in the photo but said that he will be able to produce him if he is on the police force.

Below is a summary of specific demands that the Serumaga family statement concludes with (see more details):

1. They will not participate in investigations in the torture of Robert by the NRM government and its agents unless INTERPOL is involved.

2. They are unwilling for Robert to return to CPS or any other police station while suspected criminal elements are still employed and deployed there.

3.  They demand disciplinary action is taken against Mr Edward Ochom, of CID for attempting to send Robert to Mulago, which could compromise his safety.

4. They demand that disciplinary action is taken against the police’s Dr Moses Byaruhanga for unprofessional conduct.

5. They demand the investigation of the plainclothes policeman who filmed Robert’s children at Kibuli Police Station on September 15, 2009 and those who threatened Robert’s family on and September 12-13 outside CPS.

6. They demand the investigation of Simon Kuteesa’s role in the abduction and torture of Kalundi Robert Sserumaga.

7. They demand the immediate suspension and investigation of CID’s  Jonah Kule who was seen in deep conversation with the perpetrator who was photographed by the family.

The Serumaga family statement on the unlawful abduction and torture of their brother, son and father Robert, which they posted on the Ugandans At Heart blog is reproduced in full below:

RE: THE UNLAWFUL ARREST, TORTURE AND DETENTION OF KALUNDI ROBERT SERUMAGA ON FRIDAY 11^TH SEPTEMBER 2009 UNTIL TUESDAY 15^TH SEPTEMBER 2009

ABDUCTON

1. KALUNDI ROBERT SERUMAGA WAS ABDUCTED BY 5 armed men outside the studios of WBS television, Spear House at about 11pm on Friday 11^th September 2009. Robert had just left the studios where he had appeared on Kibazo on Friday, a discussion programme.

2. He was in the company of Kibazo, Bernard Tabaire, Charles Rwomushana and Mary Ikazi. The men approached him as their group broke up.

3. As they departed, Mr Sserumaga was approached by the men, two of whom took hold of him by the belt, and told him they were arresting him. He asked them who they were to which one responded police. He held up a piece of paper which may or may not have been an identity card, as he looked away. They then immediately began to assault him.

4. Mr Sserumaga put up a fight until they threw him to the ground. After that he threw his telephones towards his colleagues.

5. He then fell unconscious and was dragged from the scene to De Winton Road and was bundled in to the back seat of a waiting Toyota Mark II. He regained consciousness in the car as the men tried to undress him and remove things from his pockets. When he started demanding to taken to a police station, one of the men tried to cover his mouth, and another fight ensued. As he fought to resist them they punched him and gouged at his eyes with their fingers, and also bent his head backwards and choked him.

JATT/KIREKA 11^TH SEPTEMBER 2009

1. He was driven to Kireka and logged in to a book and put in a cell with 25 other men, mainly youth.

2. In the morning, a procession of guards came to the cell door and made all manner of threats to his life, and make sectarian insults to him, as well as the other prisoners. Finally the doors flew open and a tall well-built and well-dressed man in his mid-forties stood in the doorway and began to slap and punch him in the face while demanding answers.

3. This statement is supported by the medical examination carried out by Dr M. Galukande at International Medical Centre, KPC building on 13^th and International Hospital, Kisugu between 13^th and 15^th September 2009.

4. Kizito Sserumaga searched all Police Stations in Kampala from that time to 3 am to no avail.

CENTRAL POLICE STATION 12^TH SEPTEMBER 2009

1. Kizito contacted the Irish Embassy as Robert is a citizen of Ireland by birth. We went to Central Police Station (CPS) where we were told he was not there and his whereabouts were unknown. We made a public appeal via NTV outside CPS and we were surrounded by 5 armed soldiers in red berets and two plainclothes men. We immediately made another appeal at a Press Conference organized by UJA. During that conference, the Irish Embassy informed us Robert was being transported to CPS after which we went back to CPS. We found Kalundi Robert Sserumaga in the custody of Jonah Kule, O/C CID, at CPS. He was being held handcuffed with two other gentlemen, both Local Councillors from Makindye Division area. They had been tricked out of their houses at night on the pretext that there was a disturbance in the area, and then bundled in to a van at gunpoint and taken to Kireka.

2. We immediately asked that Robert be allowed medical attention. Kule insisted on waiting from instructions but that we would be able to do so. Later we were informed Robert was going to be released after i). WBS deposited a film of the Kibazo on Friday broadcast with CPS, ii) that Robert make 2 supplementary statements and iii). that he provide 3 sureties. These conditions were met. After the process of providing the sureties, Kule suddenly ordered us all out of the room, including Ernest Kalibbala the lawyer and then informed Robert that he had orders from above to return him to the cells.

3. We escorted Robert to the ground floor. After that the police physically pushed us out of the station entrance and down the stairs while brandishing sticks. Those of us already outside were threatened by the armed soldiers seated along the wall, numbering over ten and the man in plain clothes from earlier who was carrying a stick.

4. 13^th SEPTEMBER 2009 We returned to CPS where Robert was now without shoes and had still not received medical attention. He had tried to inform a woman officer -one Commissioner Ayisu- in CID that he had been assaulted at which she laughed and said it was impossible. Mr Simon Kuteesa, Head of Media crimes informed us that he does not put people in car boots. He received a telephone call in our presence and said in our hearing that the prisoner ‘did not look too bad’. The entire time, there were two mambas, outside the station, countless men in plainclothes carrying sticks and whips, people in police uniform carrying sticks.

5. In the afternoon, we telephoned John Nagenda, Media Adviser to the President. We informed him that the story had broken in the international media and that we were going to continue to campaign for Robert’s release. Mr Nagenda was at that point was aware of the abduction but not of the torture. He arranged for us to meet Major General Kale Kayihura, Inspector General of Police. Mr Kayihura informed us the Irish ambassador had spoken to him and asked us what we wanted. We said our first priority was medical attention for Robert. Secondly we were formally complaining about being physically assaulted and ejected from CPS. Mr Kayihura telephoned Mr Ochom, Director CID, CPS and instructed him to have Robert examined at a hospital of our choice and admitted at a hospital of our choice if necessary. IGP Kayihura also telephoned Mr Sorowen the officer in charge of CPS and instructed him to ensure there was no humiliation of suspects and their relatives and the public generally. IGP summoned Mr Ochom and instructed him to implement everything agreed in that meeting and to ensure Robert was taken to a hospital of his choice immediately. He called in on Johnson Karugaba of the Professional Standards Unit to investigate our complaints. We then returned to CPS.

MEDICAL ATTENTION

1. After the Police Surgeon, Dr Moses Byaruhanga arrived, we traveled to International Medical Centre at KPC, under guard. There was an attempt to make Robert travel without shoes in order to humiliate him which we resisted. The armed and uniformed policemen sitting on the back of the pick-up truck and the plainclothes policemen became angry and said they would teach M. Serumaga a lesson (‘Tujja kukulaga enkola’.)

2. Dr Moses Galukande carried out the examination and the results are consistent with Robert’s description of the assault. He diagnosed concussion as Robert could not account for some time between the first onslaught and being bundled in to the car. He recommended observation, neurological tests and rest. Immediately Dr Byaruhanga stated that he had to be referred to Mulago Hospital. He said it was the law and that Mulago was ‘the national referral hospital’. When he insisted, Mary Serumaga tried but failed to telephone IGP, Kale Kayihura. She then telephoned Mr J. Nagenda who spoke to Dr Byaruhanga and told him there was no problem with admitting Robert at International Hospital Kampala as long as he was under guard. He said Government’s only reservation was that we should not expect them to pay the bills, which we accepted. Dr Byaruhanga still insisted that he needed to speak to Mr Ochom, Director CID. We refused to board the vehicles to be taken to Mulago Hospital, a government institution which we felt to be unsafe. Robert stated if they insisted on Mulago, he would prefer to retun to the CPS cells without any treatment. After nearly an hour Mr Ochom relented and allowed us to go to IHK.

3. 13^th September 2009 Robert was admitted at IHK at approximately, nearly 48 hours after he had been very seriously assaulted.

4. Dr Galukande diagnosed concussion and recommended neurological tests. We returned to CPS to collect Robert’s bags. Again, Kule introduced another condition. He wanted, Robert to sign a charge sheet before going to hospital. He also wanted his passport. We ignored both instructions as 48 hours had elapsed and the police were merely trying to legitimize their abduction of Robert Sserumaga. Eventually Kule gave in and we proceeded to IHK.

5. Robert was admitted to IHK at about 8.30pm where he underwent tests and had some bed-rest. He was escorted by over 5 armed soldiers to Kampala Hospital for a CT scan.

FORMAL CHARGES

1. Tuesday 15^th 2009 we were informed that Robert would be collected from the hospital at 10am to go to the Police for finger-printing and formal charging. Robert refused at first to co-operate because he wanted it to be acknowledged that he was being charged after 48 hours of detention had elapsed, i.e. he had been being held illegally.

2. Robert was produced at Buganda Road Magistrate’s Court and charged with 6 counts of sedition resulting from his remarks on Kibazo. The State opposed bail and was overruled by the Magistrate on the grounds that even if Robert were a flight risk, that could be cured by his depositing his passport with the Court. Also that because the validity of the sedition laws was being challenged in the Constitutional Court and it was not possible to try Robert immediately, he would grant bail.

3. We reported to IGP’s office that we were surrounded by ‘security operatives’ outside the court building eavesdropping on our conversations and stated we were holding IGP responsible for our continued security, and left the Court.

LEGAL AND MEDICAL COSTS AND SOLIDARITY

1. We would like to express our gratitude to the members of our communities and the public for your overwhelming support. The journalism profession has been a pillar of strength and has boosted our morale with their presence and their coverage.

2. We are grateful to Open Society, Uganda Journalists’ Association, and East African Journalists’ Association all of whom have offered to pay Kalundi Robert Sserumaga’s legal costs. We are grateful for the fact that his medical costs were covered in advance and without our knowledge. P. E. N. International Clifford Derrick Committee to Protect Journalists (S. Africa) have also expressed solidarity.

INVESTIGATION IN TO THE ABDUCTION AND TORTURE

1. During the time we were waiting for Dr Galukande’s report at IM Centre, Mary Ikazi spotted a man in a lavender jacket, white cap and dark glasses. He was carrying a long thin stick or car, that were commonly used by kiboko squad members during the rioting. He was short in stature, about 5ft tall. He was peeping through the window of IMC where he had been sitting with O/C CID, J. Kule. M. Ikazi froze and told us that he was one of the men who had abducted and assaulted Robert. Mary Serumaga photographed him with a cell phone. The plainclothes policemen with whom he was standing warned him that he was being photographed at which he covered his face with his lapels, turned his back and then they all scattered. One policeman returned and took photographs of M. Serumaga and M. Ikazi. [The following Tuesday at Kibuli Police Station they filmed M. Serumaga and made close-up films of Robert's children in our view. This was an act of intimidation.]

2. 14 September 2009 at about 5.30pm we spoke to IGP Kayihura about the police brutality experienced by Robert Sserumaga. We thanked him for finally permitting the delayed medical treatment even though it required the intervention of the Ambassador of Ireland and other lovers of justice and peace before he acted. We showed him the photograph of the man who had inserted his thumbs and fingers in Robert’s eyes and attempted to gouge them out. We informed him the man had followed us to the International Medical Centre and only ran away after we had photographed him. IGP stated he did not know the man but he would investigate. At first he said he and all those in plain clothes carrying sticks were policemen, if so, he is able to produce this man.

3. We informed IGP that his instructions about the medical facility Robert should be allowed to access were countermanded by Dr M. Byaruhanga the Police Surgeon and Mr Ochom, Director CID at CPS. They preferred to discuss the matter with persons unknown to us. He seemed to express shock that such clear instructions could be changed.

4. We requested Interpol be asked to help locate the abductors, to which IGP responded he has no objection although he would prefer we work with Uganda Police in the matter. He assigned Assistant IGP, Mr J.M. Okoth Ochola, in charge of Special Duties to investigate the matter. We agreed with Mr Okoth Ochola that we would contact him after the court appearance.

5. 15^th September 2009, the same woman officer at CID who had refused to record Robert’s complaint of torture, telephoned him as he left court inviting him to make a statement.

THE WAY FORWARD

1. In view of the fact that the orders of Major General Kale Kayihura IGP are so easily countermanded by officers junior to him, receiving ‘orders from above’; that one of the offending officers (see paragraph 13 ) is now assigned to the investigating team; two officers Kule and Ayisu, have already dismissed the reports of assault as “impossible”, we decline to participate in the investigation unless Interpol is involved.

2. In any case we are unwilling for Robert to return to CPS or any other police station while suspected criminal elements are still employed and deployed there.

3. We demand disciplinary action is taken against Mr Edward Ochom, Director of CID at CPS for trying to ensure Robert was sent to Mulago where his safety would have been compromised. We demand to know from where above Kale Kayihura’s head, Mr Ochom was receiving instructions. As Director of CID at CPS where the kiboko squad move about freely and interact with senior officers and have meals in the police canteen, we hold Ochom responsible for the deployment of the kiboko squad to abduct, detain and torture Kalundi Robert Sserumaga.

4. We demand the same in regard to Dr Moses Byaruhanga who kept us at IM Centre for over 30 minutes while liaising on the telephone about sending Robert to Mulago. Although he was supposed to carry out his own examination, he did not and it appears his role was to ensure Robert was admitted to Mulago Hospital. He failed in that.

5. We demand the investigation of the plainclothes policeman who filmed Robert’s children at Kibuli Police Station on 15^th September 2009 and those who threatened Robert’s family on 12^th and 13 September outside CPS.

6. We demand the investigation of Simon Kuteesa’s role in the abduction and torture of Kalundi Robert Sserumaga. Kuteesa was instrumental in convincing us on 13^th September that Robert was going to be released for medical treatment in a few hours as long as he had three sureties and a passport. He then vanished at about 10pm before Kule said he had ‘orders from above’ to detain him further. Kuteesa has consistently acted in an unprofessional manner treating our complaints about torture as a joke. He too receives anonymous ‘orders from above’ and made a ‘phonecall assuring someone that Robert was not too badly injured even though he had no medical evidence. Simon Kuteesa is a callous and dangerous man.

7. We demand the immediate suspension and investigation of O/C CID, Jonah Kule who was seen in deep conversation with the perpetrator we managed to photograph outside IM Centre during Robert’s medical examination, Kule is in direct command of the kiboko squad and is a danger to all Ugandans.

0782199589

The End.

David Kasozi
USA and Buganda

Kyawedde dda! Ssabasajja  is cool with us radical Baganda.  Many of us are constantly accused of being “too radical” by fellow Baganda because we are not willing to compromise with NRM or anyone else who suggests that Uganda is more important than Buganda. Many Ugandans, including prominent Baganda both in Mmengo and outside have vilified us by calling us “tribalists”, “sectarian”, “unpatriotic”, “backward” or  ”too radical”. Even Kabaka’s representatives in Europe and America, serving their own personal interests, have made false reports to Mmengo and Kabaka about us. We have even been accused of being “anti Kabaka” and “anti Mengo” simply because we are not afraid of pointing out Buganda government officials who are in bed with the enemy.

Who are we? We are the millions of Baganda youths in Nkoba za Mbogo, Bana ba Kintu and other organizations, who pioneered the resistance against the marginalization of our Kabaka and our nation Buganda.  We are the Bazukulu ba Buganda, who a few corrupt Buganda government officials, cheating Kabaka, have harassed for years. We the radicals also include members of Ggwangamujje in Europe and America who have not been equivocal about putting Buganda and Kabaka first. We have organized Ttabamiruka conferences in America and Buganda, angering the NRM government, Uganda politicians and even some Buganda government officials. Oh, and we are also deep in Mmengo, fighting the NRM moles who betray our Kabaka and Buganda for a few pieces of silver. A few of us are even Baganda clan leaders, who would rather die poor than betray our Kabaka and our Bazukulu. Some of us radical have been kidnapped and molested, or otherwise harassed, but gone back to the our usual  behavior  of channels to telling the NRM dictators that we won’t quit!  It is us radicals who have also made the ultimate sacrifice for Buganda, getting shot dead by the NRM government’s police and soldiers.

The reason we are radical is simple. We whole heartedly embrace the saying, “Baganda nkoba za mbogo; zegya zoka mu bunya”.  And the plot to destroy Buganda, since 1990, is so thick that if we continue acting “nice and civilized” there might be no Buganda soon.  You will not hear us praising any Ugandan politician, Muganda or not, as the one will save Buganda;  because we know they cannot.  Nor do we get excited about promised from the NRM government because we do not accept the idea that anyone has a right to play “master” over Kabaka and Buganda.   All that talk about Federo is alright so long it is not “given” or “granted” to us. Only Baganda can and should determine how they are ruled, whether Federo or full independence. We do not owe Uganda  anything and cannot be forced to accept other people’s arrangements under duress, as it happened in 1960 and 1995.

We proudly claim that Ssabasajja  is now one of us radical Baganda because his historical actions in September 2009 leave no doubt that he has lost patience with the “Abasajja tubakwaate mpola” philosophy.  We are confident that he is tired of uncivilized, unkempt, Banamawanga telling him to shut up while they rape and pillage his kingdom. Look around him now and you see us, the radicals. We didn’t all start this way. So, it is OK if you are not yet a radical Muganda but we look forward to having you join us. It is such a liberating feeling!

Samwiri Mukasa
Buganda Nationalist
USA

I found the arrogance in Mr. Museveni’s “Guidance to Banyoro Bafuruki question” letter, posted in Buganda Post on August 1, 2009, unacceptable. Click on “Tired, Drowning Museveni Blames Baganda For Bunyoro Land Violence” to see the letter. I cannot understand how a man who became president on the backs of Baganda can go so far in abusing us and our Kabaka. I had to do something about it. My late father used to tell us that, if you want deal with a stone-throwing mad man, throw a few rocks at him too. So, I chose to throw my own 9 so called principles at Museveni, blow by blow, here on Buganda Post. Mr. Museveni’s “stones” (poor spelling is his) are shown in regular text and my “rocks” in bold.

Guidance on Baganda vs Guidance on Banyoro

Having thought about all this for a long time, I am proposing the following principles to be part of the solutions.

After reading president Museveni’s letter and thinking about it for a short time, I am proposing the following principles to be part of the solutions.

1.     Ring-fencing the LC 5 positions in the whole of Bunyoro region for the indigenous people; and also ring-fencing the sub-county leadership in the whole of Bunyoro.

1. Ring-fencing all politics in the Kingdom of Buganda for native Baganda people (the Bataka and appropriate community leaders will sort out the details of how to put Baluuri, Banyala, Bakenyi and even certain Bajjwa on the path to full recognition as citizens of Buganda, and integrating some of their unique customary practices in Baganda culture)

2.    Ring-fencing the positions of Member of Parliament in the whole of Bunyoro region for the indeginous people except for the special constituencies created around Rutete (Lutete) and Kisita resettlement schemes. Number and two will in the spirit of article of 9 and article 10 of the 1995 Constitution of Uganda. They were also envisaged by article 32 of the constitution of Uganda which talked about affirmative action in favour of marginalized groups by reason of history or otherwise for the purpose of redressing imbalances that exist against them.

2. Abolishing the bogus 1995 Museveni Constitution since it is a “weapon of Buganda occupation”. Over 90% of Buganda’s people publically protested it because they preferred a federal form of government and Mr. Museveni responded with threats  to use force. The same happened in 1998 when Baganda demonstrated against the Land Act; Mr. Museveni threaten to start a new guerrilla war. Even more importantly, our Kabaka has publically stated, “Tuli mu buwambe” (”we under occupation”) – the Kabaka cannot lie!

3.    All the indigenous people that were on the Mailo land in 1964 should be granted ownership and the absentee landlords should leave the land. All the indeginous people that have been on public land should get titles ownership of that land. The Bafuuriki in the settlement schemes already have their land and should get titles if they do not have them. The Bafuuriki who bought land legally should have their rights recognized.

3. All Baganda who, in 1986, were on land that was later acquired irregularly by non-Baganda (using stolen government funds, drug money, laundered funds, land grabbing, etc.) shall be granted ownership and titles. Proof of income and tax records will be required to support claims of legal acquisition by the non-Baganda. Anyone who bought stolen property (abaagula ebibbe) will automatically lose it as required by ancient Buganda Laws.

4.    All the illegal encroachers in forest reserves should be evicted without compensation as the normadic cattle keepers of Buliisa are being settled in Buganda.

4. All the illegal encroachers in forest reserves, wetlands and cultural sites shall  be evicted without compensation and the nomadic cattle keepers will be repatriated to their home countries, using Tanzania’s successful experience as a model.

5.    The towns and trading centre should be exempted from these affirmative action measures. They should be free for all Ugandans. This is the healthy integration. The totally integrated Uganda should have its nucleus in the urban centers, factories, the hotels, the shops, the real estate etc. in oreder to promote healthy integration, industrialization should be promoted to pull redundant population from rural areas to the urban areas. Here there should be no regulation beyond ensuring that the workers are Ugandans.

5. Land ownership by genuine non-Baganda investors and residents will follow international norms, using countries like Japan, Korea and Israel as models. There will be a limit to the amount of land these non-Baganda investors and residents may own outside urban areas – to be set by the Great Lukiiko.

6.    The indigenous people who get land should be prohibited from selling the land for 20years and also leasing it.

6. The indigenous people who get land shall be free to sell their land to other Buganda or to non-Baganda through Buganda Land Board and according to the laws governing Buganda land.

7.    A program of sensitising the Banyoro and Bafuuriki should be promoted.

7. A program of sensitizing all Baganda and residents of Buganda about the historical and cultural importance we put on our land and environment shall be promoted.

8.    Government should have a special program for developing Bunyoro using money provided by the central government including the British funds.

8. Ssabasajja Kabaka’s Government shall have a comprehensive strategy and several programs to develop the kingdom’s people at a rapid rate, relying on the resources of Kabaka’s people all over the world – Kabaka does not “beg”.

9.    Finally there should a sunset clause to terminate or cause a review of this policy after 20years.

9. Finally, there is no sunset clause to terminate or reduce the rights of Baganda to determine how their God given land in the 18 counties shall be administered.

All this is a consequence of the colonial policies also supported by the traditional chiefs like of Mengo in Uganda, of discouraging the use of Swahili as a national language. If the people of Bunyoro-the Banyoro or the Bafuuriki were using Swahili, their differences would be submerged. It is the use of vernacular that provokes, in part, these contradictions. I like the indeginous languages, in fact I am about to complete a dictionary in Runyakore-Rukiga. However, I see these vanaculars not as an end in themselves. I see them as a source of enriching Swahili. That is why NRM promotes Swahili. We included it in the constitution; we use it in the army etc.

The committee, should, therefore, look at the principles I have mentioned above and see them work. You should also identify any other problems that I have not identified and propose solutions. You should propose any solutions you feel are useful in the areas for which I have suggested solutions.

All this  is a consequence of failure on our part, the Baganda,  to recognize that Uganda has needed us way much more than we did. And, that the relationship is now irreparable, especially since Uganda is a certified failed state, run by common thieves. How would one otherwise explain why the president’s office cannot not use an English spell-checker on Mr. Museveni’s letter?

Awangaale Ssabasajja!

Samwiri Mukasa