On May 21, 2009 former Los Angeles, California, resident and now owner of Radio Star, NRM candidate Peter Sematimba was declared the new LCIII chairman for Rubaga after a bitter election fight marred by massive irregularities. Even the Uganda government mouthpiece, the New Vision, on May 22, 2009 reported the results under the heading “Rubaga LC3 polls marred by rigging”.  Sematimba, who moonlights as a church pastor, won with 15,799 votes. The votes which Sematimba received represent 47% of the 33,314 cast in the elections, but only  9.3% of the 170,557 voters on the Uganda Electoral Commission roll of registered voters in Rubaga. According to NRM sources, more than 900 party activists were paid to irregularly vote in Rubaga. Also, over 2,000 pre-marked ballots were successfully stuffed into boxes across the 250 polling stations. Still, the total votes, including the irregular ones, represented a voter turn-out of only 19%.

While Peter Sematimba and most of his NRM supporters are celebrating his official victory, some political analysts think that this election is evidence that President Museveni and his NRM dominated brand of democracy could be rapidly collapsing. One New York based Muganda analyst, who requested that we withold his name, told us in a phone conversation: “Museveni, Nsibambi, Amama Mbabazi, Nakabirwa, Mrs. Museveni and so many other NRM heavyweights supported Sematimba. Then Peter blanketed Rubaga with constant campaign messages on his own radio station. Add on the fact that NRM people paid voters, ferried in illegal voters and stuffed the ballot boxes with thousands of votes. After all that, failing to get a turn-out over 30% in Rubaga is a clear message that the people of are fed up with Musevenism and are thirsting for something else.

“My contacts in FDC admit that many of those who kept away are former FDC Baganda who were convinced by Kamya that Ssebugwaawo was being used by Bakiga who were as anti-Buganda as Museveni’s regime.  FDC is dead in Buganda! Others were turned off by the leadership vacuum in DP and fairly good evidence that Mr. Museveni was funding the DP candidate (Makumbi) through ex-convict and Kampala mayor Haj. Nasser Sebagala. The bottom line is that Museveni and his people should now know that only about 5% of the people in Rubaga were genuinely convinced by Sematimba, Museveni, Nsibambi, Amama Mbabazi and other NRM big wigs to go vote for Sematimba. And at least 70% of the registered voters in Rubaga are opposed to or fed up with the Museveni circus. But that situation is much worse for NRM when it comes to Baganda, especially the militant youths below 25 years. So, if Sematimba or Museveni think that NRM won big in Rubaga, Baganda nationalists should be happy because it is better to have a stupid enemy than a smart one.”

The runner-up to Sematimba was Moses Makumbi of the Democratic Party (DP) who got 9,807 votes (29 percent), followed by Joyce Ssebugwaawo of FDC (15%) and four lesser candidates receiving less than 10% each. Makumbi conceded defeat and congratulated Sematimba quickly after the results were announced, leading to speculation in some DP circles that he was paid something to legitimize Sematimba as soon as possible. On the other hand, according to FDC sources, Joyce Sebugwaawo intends to challenge the elections results in court citing massive fraud by NRM activists with the Uganda Electoral Commission looking the other way.

Under international law, an agreement is legal only if the associated transaction is legal. On Tuesday October 28, 2008, President Mwai Kibaki dragged Kenya into Museveni’s long illegal campaign to give away Buganda land without authorization from Parliament, City Council or Baganda. Kibaki and Museveni signed a protocol that would give the Kitante Courts land on Yusuf Lule Avenue to the Republic of Kenya. However a prominent Ugandan historian told us that the public land in Mulago area, including the piece that Museveni gave away to Kenya, is owned by Buganda and only under lease to Kampala City Council, according to agreements made in the 1950s and before. The Kitante Courts land is currently occupied by President Museveni’s notorious and dreaded Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence (CMI) organization.

If Kenya takes up Museveni’s offer, then she will be joining what many Baganda believe to be Mr. Museveni’s conspiracy to import and offer stolen Buganda land to so many foreigners that Baganda are overwhelmed and rendered too weak to fight back. Only last year, Museveni tried to take the Kitante Courts land for himself and his family by gifting it to one of his closest business associates, Sudhir Ruparelia but he dropped the transaction after it became too controversial. Mr. Museveni not only insists that Kampala is not part of Buganda but he is also pushing plans to expand it by at least 5 times in area.

A Muganda international law expert that we contacted explained that the legality of this transaction is tricky but it also smells corruption. “The smart thing for Buganda and others who may have an interest in this land to do would be to publicly register their opposition to the transaction. In particular they should petition the Kenyan government to desist from concluding this transaction ‘because the involved is stolen native lands’. And copies should be given to the UN Secretary General, members of the UN Security Council, Tanzania, etc. The question is, do Walusimbi and Makubuya have the spine to risk annoying Museveni?”

Kenya and Uganda are among the most corrupt countries in the world, according to Transparency International. Both Mwai Kibaki and Yoweri Museveni remain presidents in their respective countries thanks to massive election fraud that was proven in courts of law. And the presidents of the two countries, especially Uganda, are known to be surrounded by legendary corrupt officials. In Uganda, Mr. Museveni’s closest confidant, Patrick Amama Mbabazi is in the middle of a special investigation by Parliament where overwhelming evidence has emerged that he illegally sold his land to Uganda’s National Social Security fund so he could strengthen his own personal bank. Yes, his personal bank where his partners include the Governor of Uganda’s central bank Tumusiime Mutebire and the minister of finance Ezra Suruma.

There are not enough details on Museveni’s Kenya land giveaway yet to indicate if Mr. Museveni and Mr. Kibaki will personally benefit from the multimillion dollar transaction. It is also not clear if Kenya’s Prime Minister, Oginga Odinga, known to be friendly to Buganda, supports the controversial deal despite its potential to alienate Baganda round the world.

Kenya’s Government can be reached via the following government officials: gowuor@mfa.go.ke  or mnyambura@mfa.go.ke or jbahemuka@mfa.go.ke. or kenrep@mweb.co.za.

The family of the late Freda Lule, daughter to former Uganda president, Yusuf Lule, accuse flamboyant Kampala lawyer, Andrew Kasirye of land fraud. Led by William Blick, the family has filed a complaint against Kasirye with the Uganda Law Council, accusing him of fraudulently selling their land to two different people and pocketing the loot. According to the complaint, Kasirye first sold the land on their behalf to one Mugalaasi, as contracted, before selling it a second time to one Ntaganda.

Andrew Kasirye is a principal in Kasirye and Byaruhanga, Advocates. His company made its name in the hey days of huge real estate transactions where President Museveni’s government was supposed to be returning properties that Idi Amin’s government illegally confiscated from Asians in 1972. At the time, many of Kampala’s most prominent lawyers today were accused of conniving with a few Asian crooks to fraudulently take ownership of buildings where Idi Amin’s government had already paid compensation.

The Uganda Law Council is responsible, among other things, for the  general supervision and control over legal practice and education in Uganda. It  was established under the Advocates Act in 1970. Its Disciplinary Committee, which is expected to hear the complaint against Kasirye, is responsible for disciplinary control over advocates and their clerks. The Council has, however, built itself a reputation of corruption because it occasionally bends to political pressure from the Uganda in obvious ways.