A source close to Eng. JB Walusimbi has told us that the 65 year Katikkiro of Buganda has is losing interest in position and could be looking for ways get out of the 4-year contract with the kingdom. The source, who is a member of the Katikkiro’s Magunda sub clan (ssiga) of the Ffumbe (civet cat) clan, said: “Since even before the Kayunga riots, Engineer Walusimbi has been facing pressures to leave the office from all sides, even our clan elders, or show more that he is loyal to the Kabaka. Even we his own brothers and sisters have been pressuring him in our own ways because he is shaming our whole clan. By the way, when he was appointed Katikkiro, many of us who are insiders tried to oppose because we knew his background but we were not properly consulted.”

Our source told us that since the Kayunga riots, it appears that Engineer JB Walusimbi has been rethinking his part time job as Katikkiro. She says: “First,  it looks like JB realized during the riots that Baganda youth might one of these days kill him or some of his 6 children because of the image that he is on Museveni’s side. As a person, he wants to be Katikkiro but it is impossible for him when he is much closer  to Gilbert Bukenya and Museveni than he is to Kabaka Mutebi. And the way that Baganda youths are attacking him, is giving him high blood pressure. That is why he is really losing interest, because no one trusts him. Not even most of us members of his Magunda ssiga.”

Many Baganda were incensed with the statement that Katikkiro Walusimbi issued after the “gun on your head” Kabaka Mutebi was forced to have with Uganda warlord, Yoweri Museveni on September 30, 2009 (see “Katikkiro JB Walusimbi Praises Gunpoint Meeting Between Kabaka and Museveni“).  Since then, Katikkiro Walusimbi, has all but abandoned making pro-Buganda public statements or associating himself with the hundreds of Baganda who were murdered or continue to be arrested and tortured by the NRM government. The Katikkiro is even low key on the arrests and continuing harassment of Kabaka’s officials by Museveni’s security forces. He reportedly avoided assisting Kabaka’s official ,Betty Nambooze, with her medical problems, for fear of annoying Museveni who hates her.  According to local press reports, Kabaka Mutebi was forced to personally get involved in Nambooze’s case, working through other obedient ministers to provide her with much needed medical care.

If it is true that Engineer Walusimbi is losing interest his position as Katikkiro, there is evidence that he could be developing a new interest. Over the last two weeks, Katikkiro Walusimbi’s high profile engagements were closing the Uganda Manufacturers Association (UMA) trade show and presiding over the Rotary Club announcement of free medical operations program for the poor. At the UMA event, Owek. Walusimbi surprised many in the audience when he promised that Buganda would never reclaim the 9,000 square miles from its illegal occupiers but only partner with them to generate income from the land. The subject of how the 9,000 miles would be administered has never been discussed by the Buganda Lukiiko. Many of Engineer Walusimbi’s critics are also upset that this “Kabaka ow’ebweeru” was giving attention to Rotary Club medical operations instead of putting priority on getting Betty Nambooze the urgent surgery she needs.

President Museveni’s NRM occupation government is starting to feel the cost of keeping the kingdom of Buganda in a virtual state of emergency. Since early September 2009, Museveni has spent billions of Uganda Shillings in resources to destabilize Kabaka Mutebi, monitor and block Baganda radio and phone communications, block unfriendly Internet addresses, fund pro-Region Tier forces in Mmengo and redeploy at least 65% of all Uganda’s police and army in Buganda.  The panic expenditure, together with the accompanying graft by those managing the funds has left the occupation NRM government in a financial fix. To cope, Museveni is reportedly, raiding certain government institutions, where aid donors cannot easily trace misuse of funds.

Our source in Uganda’s ministry of Finance has told us that the list of organizations that the NRM government is raiding include Bank of Uganda (BOU), National Social Secrity Fund (NSSF), NAADS and the President’s patriotism development fund. The source said: “BOU is easy because, the governor, Emmanuel Mutebire and the secretary to treasury, Chris Kassami are both veteran embezzlers. And they now have younger leutenants in Naome Nassasira and Keith Muhakanizi to oversee the thefts. The NSSF could have been more complicated because it has been in the papers too much. That is why they appointed a brand new board, with a solid number of thieves, to ensure full cooperation when government raids the organization. Even UPE will not be spared. There are plans to reallocate huge sums of money from students and combine those moneys with billions from Museveni’s patriotism development fund  to massively recruit ‘patriotic’ teachers as a backbone of a new spy network within Buganda. The reason they are looking at NAADS is because they have successfully used it in the past to bribe LCs and settle Balaalo and other foreigners in Buganda, without donor interference.”

On a related note, our ministry of Finance source points out that at least 30-40% of the money being spent to maintain the Buganda occupation is stolen by the implementers and NRM politicians. According the the source: “Because of the secrecy, there is no accountability and everyone involved in the illegal financial raids make sure to keep some. Even Museveni and his family are actively chasing the patriotism fund. It is like everyone is trying to get what they can before the next Baganda riots break out. “

The SMS we got from out agent in Mubende town,  Buwekula county, where Sabasajja Kabaka chose to celebrate Buganda’s 14th independence observance was simple but very inspiring: “Empologoma ya Buganda ebogodde buto!” (”The lion of Buganda has roared yet again!”). In his first public statements since he was forced to go to Museveni’s statehouse and then tricked into appearing to be negotiating with a commoner, Kabaka Mutebi made it very clear that the current occupation conditions in Buganda are not acceptable.  The SMS from our reporter came seconds after Ssabasajja Kabaka told the mammoth crowd at Buganda independence day ceremonies, “The 47 years of independence which we are observing today have  been wasted by senseless conflicts and governance problems. As a result of this, our development has been paralyzed. Thinking in terms of constant conflicts must stop.”

According to our reporter, the lion of Buganda went on to give as example, leaders who practice decisive politics in an effort to divide Buganda into artificial chiefdoms. Warning that, “we must not tolerate what such leaders are doing.”

In the presence of his wife, Nnabagereka Nnaginda, the Kabaka promised that his kingdom nation will never promote constant ethnic conflicts because, “we value unity and not divisions in Buganda”.

Last week Kabaka Mutebi reluctantly went to Museveni’s state house after the Ugandan warlord threatened that if Ssabasajja did not meet him, he would introduce laws to abolish kingdoms and probably arrest  His Majesty. Our sources tell us that Kabaka Mutebi was not too concerned by Museveni’s empty talk but Katikkiro Walusimbi, other old Baganda and CBS Radio shareholders convinced him that Museveni was willing to entertain most of Buganda’s demands if the Kabaka spoke to him.  Although, Museveni dressed up properly to meet Kabaka Mutebi, including putting on dress shoes and walking his painful feet straight, he broke his promise to Walusimbi within minutes after the Buganda delegation arrived. Museveni took everyone by surprise when he told them to wait he spoke to Kabaka Mutebi for some minutes. The minutes turned into a full hour, after which Museveni’s state house and Katikkiro both started spinning that the private talks between were “ground breaking”.  Nothing on the original agenda took place because of the Museveni scam (kavuyo).

Surprisingly, next day, Katikkiro Walusimbi issued a statement claiming that, the meeting between Ssabasajja and the Ugandan warlord had removed all tensions between Buganda and her NRM occupiers (see “Katikkiro JB Walusimbi Praises Gunpoint Meeting Between Kabaka and Museveni“). Then Deputy Katikkiro Ssendaula wrote to all Kabaka’s representatives outside Buganda  asking them to tell Diaspora Baganda to be “very calm” while Mmengo talks to the occupying forces. Owek. Ssendaula’s letter angered some Baganda because it seems to focus only on  “not upsetting Museveni” and says nothing about the plight of Kabaka Mutebi and many of his loyal subjects who were murdered or are under torture in the NRM governments prisons and safe houses (see “Deputy Katikkiro and Kabaka’s Representative Anger UK Baganda“).

The consensus among all the 4 Baganda analysts who we have contacted is that Kabaka Mutebi made the strong statements in Buwekula to clearly and publicly disown the appeasing, apologetic and sometimes cowardly tone of the statements which his Katikkiro and his Deputy have been making.  One analyst named David Kasozi said: “Once a Muganda radical, always a Muganda radical. And Ssabasajja joined us Baganda radicals a long time ago. We, under Kabaka Mutebi’s leadership,  are not quitting until Buganda is ruled on her own terms, probably as an independent monarchy.”

Uganda police sources indicate that the number of people who have been arrested in connection with the Kayunga demonstrations is has now grown to over 1,000 and rouge officers and magistrates are making quick money. In the first 5 days after the disturbances where the NRM police and army shot dead 30 Baganda, about 600 people were arrested. Since then, the police has continued to arrest more Baganda, claiming that they are looking for ringleaders and other participants in what they (the police) claim to be public violence and terrorist activities.

Baganda sources within Museveni’s  police force have informed us that the primary reasons why so many people are being arrested are politics and money.  One source told us: “These arrests were ordered from the very top for political reasons. They provide a chance for the NRM to shut up its loudest opponents in Mmengo and the opposition parties, especially DP.  It is one way to put make it difficult for the opposition to start organizing themselves for the 2011 campaigns. The majority are arrested not because of evidence that they did anything but because they used to talk a lot against the NRM government on radio stations. So many of them are Baganda DP or FDC campaigners. In some cases the evidence is manufactured using tips from Banyankore, Bakiga and other non-Baganda who are NRM moles in the opposition parties.”

Another Muganda veteran police officer told our investigator that money is also a big reason why the arrests are growing. The office explained: “As you may expect, when an innocent Muganda is arrested on allegations of inciting violence, his or her family will normally be desperate to have him freed on bail. The arresting officers and the magistrate make some quick money by charging the desperate family anywhere between Shs 150,000 and Shs 400,000 (US$74 to $198) depending on situation. They eat the money and in the books they write that the suspect has been freed on a ‘no cash’ police bond. In law this is called extortion and I know that top people in the police force know that it is going on or may even be supporting it.”

The Uganda police force is commanded by Kalyekezi Kayihura, a Rwanda national who came to Uganda as a refugee and joined Uganda police where Mr. Museveni quickly rose him to the rank of General.

PRESS RELEASE

Uganda: Troops Killed Unarmed People in Riot Period
No Lethal Force Necessary in at Least 13 Fatal Shootings

(Kampala, October 1, 2009) – The Ugandan government should immediately order an independent investigation into the killing of unarmed persons during and after riots in Kampala on September 10 and 11, 2009, Human Rights Watch said today.

A Human Rights Watch investigation found that at least 13 people were shot by government forces in situations where lethal force was unnecessary. The Minister of Internal Affairs reported to parliament that 27 people had died during the riots and that seven were uninvolved in riot activity.

“Shooting in self defense is one thing, but we found that some soldiers shot at bystanders and shot through locked doors,” said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The government needs to put an impartial investigation in motion now.”

The riots in Kampala, Uganda’s capital, began on September 10, when police blocked a delegation representing the Buganda kingdom from visiting Kayunga district. The cultural king of Buganda, known as the kabaka, was planning to visit Kayunga for National Youth Day two days later. The visit was opposed by leaders of the Banyala ethnic group in Kayunga, who reject the kabaka’s authority. The kabaka’s supporters took to the streets to protest the police action, and violence began soon afterward.

Sources at Kampala’s main hospital, Mulago, indicate that 88 victims of the violence were admitted for treatment over this period, most for gunshot wounds. Victims were taken to other hospitals as well. According to the minister of internal affairs, at least 846 people were arrested for alleged crimes committed during the riots, and the arrests continue. At least 24 of the alleged rioters have been charged with terrorism for destroying government property, and many others have been charged with unlawful assembly and inciting violence.

During and after the unrest, Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 50 victims and their family members, witnesses, doctors, and local and senior government officials. On-the-ground research was conducted into the circumstances surrounding the violence in the Kampala neighborhoods of Nateete, Kasubi, Busega, Ndeeba, Bwaise, Bunga, the Salaama Road at Nakinyuguzi zone, and in Mpigi town.

Human Rights Watch investigated several fatal and non-fatal shootings by security forces on September 10 and 11 that raise serious questions about the level of force employed in response to the riots. In a number of cases throughout the city, there is strong evidence that security forces shot individuals who were not threatening them or others.

This challenges statements by some government officials that live ammunition was only fired into the air to clear the streets of protesters.

However, President Yoweri Museveni, addressing parliament on September 10, after the riots broke out, contended that “initially police acted slowly” in response to the unrest. “Looters,” he said, “will be shot on sight, as will those who attack civilians.”

Human Rights Watch said that investigations should look into the circumstances of the rioting and into how to improve policing during demonstrations. Thus far, there is no clear evidence to support the contention of some Ugandan government officials that the Kampala riots were organized in advance. The Buganda kingdom government has denied any role in organizing the riots. Some rioters do appear to have employed parallel tactics, such as burning tires to block roads in several areas of the city, especially on the afternoon of September 10.

Human Rights Watch urged the police and other security forces to abide by the United Nations Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials. The principles call upon law enforcement officials, including military units responding to national emergencies, to apply nonviolent means before resorting to the use of force, to use force only in proportion to the seriousness of the offense, and to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable to protect life. The principles also provide that governments shall ensure that arbitrary or abusive use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials is punished as a criminal offense under their law.

“Much of the attention has focused on the politics surrounding recent events,” said Gagnon. “But the real tragedy is that families have lost loved ones in entirely unnecessary circumstances. They deserve to see justice done.”

Violence and the Response

Human Rights Watch found that in the early stages of the demonstrations on September 10, some protesters resorted to violence in some areas of Kampala, burning at least five cars, one passenger bus, and one delivery truck, blocking some main roads with burning tires and debris, looting shops, and throwing rocks at police and members of the armed forces. In Nateete, protesters burned a police station. In Bwaise, a factory was set on fire. No one was reported injured in either fire, and local hospitals did not report any burn victims. Police, some in riot gear, used teargas in several areas of the city.

Uganda’s inspector general of police (IGP), Maj. Gen. Kale Kayihura, told Human Rights Watch that military police and the army’s Presidential Guard Brigade were deployed under his orders to support the police beginning at around 4 p.m. on September 10, and that infantry soldiers were deployed in support shortly thereafter. Kayihura said that these units fired live ammunition into the air to scatter rioters.

Human Rights Watch’s research indicates that the security forces faced some situations in which the use of firearms may have been warranted. One witness described seeing a rioter steal a civilian security guard’s gun near Kampala Bus Park on September 10 and shoot a policeman in the leg. Kayihura provided two other instances, in Nateete and Sseta, where rioters fired on the security forces. It remains unclear if anyone was injured in those two instances, and those events were not investigated by Human Rights Watch.

Kayihura told Human Rights Watch that, while all government forces had been ordered to use minimum force, non-lethal options such as rubber bullets and pepper spray are not standard issue in all police posts. He claimed that the security forces had few alternatives to shooting live ammunition into the air. Other knowledgeable sources in the police told Human Rights Watch that the police stocks of tear gas had run low and that officials feared they lacked the means to secure the city without using firearms.

Where Lethal Force Was Not Necessary

However, among the episodes that raise serious questions about the use of force, in Bwaise on September 10, local people gathered to observe the fire brigade fight a fire set by rioters earlier that afternoon. An army armored personnel carrier drove by the crowd and the troops on board fired, striking Hussein Mujuuka in the back of the head and killing him instantly. At least 10 others were wounded by the gunfire. Several witnesses told Human Rights Watch that local residents responded by burning tires along the Bwaise-Kampala Road. They said that shootings by the military continued during the evening hours in Bwaise and that many other people were wounded. Deaths from military gunfire also occurred the same day in Kawempe, Nakulabye, Mulago, and the Ndeeba areas of Kampala.

Security forces using live ammunition caused many injuries and at least six deaths on September 11. Witnesses and victims told Human Rights Watch that most Kampala communities were trying to return to normal business after the previous day’s unrest. However, soldiers heavily deployed both on foot and in armored personnel carriers in some areas of the city fired live ammunition. There is evidence in some instances that they deliberately shot and killed or wounded people who were not actively involved in demonstrations or unrest.

For example, military units, some accompanied by police forces deployed in Ndeeba that morning, apparently ordered people on the roads to return home. Over several hours, soldiers shot and killed one person and seriously wounded two more. In each case, the victims were shot after they had entered their homes or workplaces. Witnesses said that soldiers apparently pursued people several hundred meters from the main roads and fired their weapons through locked doors. However, no official curfew had been imposed.

Kinaalwa Sseddulaaka Jackson, the owner of a dry cleaning shop about 100 meters from the Masaka road in Tomusange zone, Ndeeba, hid in his back storage room and locked the back door when an army armored personnel carrier entered Ndeeba and soldiers on board began shooting. A few minutes later, a uniformed soldier walked through the area and fired his AK-47 through Sseddulaaka’s back door, killing him instantly. Human Rights Watch researchers saw two bullet holes in that door, as well as five other bullet holes in doors and walls in the neighborhood. All were in the lower half of the doors and walls.

Soldiers and police also deployed around Nateete market that morning, closing the main gate even though the market was filled with food vendors and customers. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that uniformed soldiers, some wearing the red berets of the military police, began to attack people with sticks and batons, and ordered them to clear the streets and return home. Several women selling matoke (plantains) showed Human Rights Watch large contusions and bruises from having been beaten while trying to flee.

The witnesses said that the soldiers then began firing their weapons, both in the air and into the crowds. One customer was killed and another wounded. One female vendor showed Human Rights Watch where she had been grazed by a bullet on her hip, requiring medical treatment. Human Rights Watch saw three bullet holes in the market walls and three others through its iron roof sheeting.

In Busega, an area dense with open-air shops and stalls, soldiers shot and killed two people in separate incidents that morning. Residents and officials reported that on the previous day, rioters in the area had blocked roads with fires and demanded money from those trying to enter Kampala by car. Rioters had looted a Coca Cola truck and burned it. The situation calmed by 7 p.m. that day, and the shops along the road had reopened. Witnesses said the area had remained calm the next morning until a military armored personnel carrier and military and police trucks drove through, in some cases telling people to clear the streets and return home. The shops closed quickly when soldiers in the personnel carrier began firing live bullets, but 13-year-old Daoudi Ssentongo was struck in the head and killed inside his family’s shop when a bullet ripped through a refrigerator next door. His death triggered more demonstrations, and members of the community tried to block the personnel carrier from re-entering the area by burning debris in the road.

Near where the youth died, soldiers on foot chased people away from the main roundabout, evidently to arrest or deter rioters. Soldiers pursued several young men who ran away. Ronald Kasagga, who supplied ice to the area’s fish vendors, was fatally shot in the chest at close range by a soldier. Witnesses said that the soldier yelled “Stop!” and that when Kasagga turned around, the soldier fired.

Around 11 a.m. on September 11 in Kasubi zone 4, rioters had been taunting nearby soldiers and throwing rocks near a gas station on the main road, witnesses said. When the soldiers pursued them, they ran up the hill, past the home of Stella Kabasinguzi, who had left her house briefly, seeking bread for her three children. The soldiers approached her home, and Kabasinguzi immediately raised her hands in the air. A soldier shot her, in front of her children. She died on the way to the hospital. Human Rights Watch observed three bullet holes through doors in other homes in zone 4, more than 100 meters from the main road where riots had occurred. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that a soldier on foot demanded that people go inside their homes, and shot through the doors when some hesitated.

Throughout the city on September 11, soldiers and police threatened and beat people to obtain information about the whereabouts of alleged rioters. A woman making tea outside her restaurant in Ndeeba was questioned by a uniformed soldier carrying an AK-47. According to several people interviewed separately, when she did not have answers to his questions, he poured the hot tea on her back. He then stuck the gun barrel into her mouth and demanded to know where rioters were hiding. She escaped only after bystanders diverted his attention.

Nile Broadcasting Services broadcast video of police and military patrolling areas on September 11, beating people sitting and standing near their homes in Kazo and throwing them into the backs of police trucks. The authorities did not request names or identity documents before arresting them. In one instance, when a man protested being forcibly removed from his home, he was beaten repeatedly. Police took truckloads of suspects to Kawempe police station. Human Rights Watch researchers observed similar actions on Salaama Road that afternoon.

On September 10, government officials told television stations to stop broadcasting live pictures of the violence. In some instances, government forces forcibly removed video footage from TV stations, appropriated journalists’ cameras and videotapes, and deleted photographs of dead bodies. Some journalists were beaten attempting to report on the unfolding events. The state-owned newspaper, The New Vision, inaccurately reported that mobs had on September 11 burned two people to death in Ndeeba. Local officials from Ndeeba and other knowledgeable sources informed Human Rights Watch that no rioters had burned people, but The New Vision has yet to issue corrections.

The Police Explanation

Police Inspector General Kayihura told Human Rights Watch that the police lacked capacity to respond to the speed and geographical breadth of the events of September 10. Unrest in previous years had centered on Kampala’s Central Business District and had not extended into the populous residential neighborhoods. He said that Uganda’s military police, the Presidential Guard Brigade, and regular army units had both the equipment and the mobility to respond to the unrest. He said that the military police, like the civilian police, have had training in riot control, and that the armored personnel carriers were deployed to help move units around the suburbs where riots were taking place. He said the Ugandan military possesses four of these vehicles – two Gila and two Mamba anti-riot vehicles, which can also be used for “fighting terrorism and insurgency.”

Kayihura said that seven of the 27 reported killed during the riots were not involved in the riots at the time of their deaths, and that they were hit by “stray bullets.” He told Human Rights Watch that the deaths were unfortunate and regrettable, but that the security forces had shown restraint in their response to the unrest. He said that two policemen had been arrested for shooting in the air in Kasubi (the arrests appear unrelated to the death of Kabasinguzi). He said that investigations would be conducted into the circumstances of all the deaths during the riots, but also cited section 69 of Uganda’s penal code, which states that police may use “all such force as is reasonably necessary for overcoming” a riot and police “shall not be liable in any criminal or civil proceeding for having, by the use of such force, caused harm or death to any person.”

According to statements quoted in The New Vision newspaper by the army spokesman, Lt. Col. Felix Kulayigye, military units were deployed under article 209(b) of the constitution, which states that the Ugandan People’s Defence Forces shall “cooperate with the civilian authority in emergency situations” and that once deployed, they act under orders of the inspector general of police.” Kulayigye contended that the situation was “a war” and that the riots had had “genocidal tendencies.” He placed blame for the deaths on the alleged organizers of the riots, but admitted that “the moment the bullet leaves the barrel, anything could happen beyond there.”

Human Rights Watch is deeply concerned that Kulayigye’s statement might encourage members of the security forces to use unnecessary and unlawful lethal force during future encounters with demonstrators.

Museveni told an emergency session of parliament on September 15 that the government will compensate those who lost their properties and vehicles, and it will also assist those who lost family members.

Recommendations

Human Rights Watch urged the government of Uganda to take the following actions:

• Publicly acknowledge and condemn recent shootings of unarmed people by members of the security forces.
• Undertake an independent and impartial investigation into the actions of all soldiers and police alleged to have perpetrated human rights abuses during the September riots. Prosecute those against whom there is sufficient evidence in accordance with international fair trial standards.
• Issue clear public instructions to all government forces involved in policing to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable to protect human life.
• Seek out non-lethal options for police and military responding to demonstrations and protests, and ensure those options are standard issue for police stations.

Human Rights Watch urged donors to the Ugandan government, especially members of the Partners for Democracy and Governance Working Group, to take the following actions:

• Publicly express concern about human rights abuses committed by members of the military and police during the September riots.
• Urge government leaders to hold accountable, in accordance with international fair trial standards, members of the security forces implicated in human rights violations.
• Support the police in acquiring non-lethal options for riot response and ensure that relevant personnel from the police and military receive adequate training.

Background

The role of cultural royalty such as the kabaka in Uganda has been the source of debate historically. President Milton Obote outlawed all cultural leaders in 1966, but Museveni permitted them to return in 1995. Under the constitution, cultural leaders are barred from politics, but they still wield influence over their communities. The kabaka is the king of the Baganda people, the largest ethnic group in Uganda and a key constituency in the upcoming 2011 elections. Since independence, some Baganda political leaders have argued that the Buganda kingdom should be a federal state within Uganda.

Accounts from Victims and Witnesses of Shootings during Recent Kampala Riots

“It was 9 a.m. when I was returning from the village where we buried my friend Deo, who was shot and killed in Ndeeba on Thursday during the riots. When I arrived back to town, I saw a group of soldiers and men in civilian clothes with guns and sticks walking along the road. I ran to the other side of the road and to find a place to hide. The soldiers began to hit us with batons and kick us. They were beating other people in the road as well. I ran away and noticed I had a cut on my head from the baton, and I was bleeding. My friend and I went off the main road and hid by locking ourselves into a storage room near a friend’s shop. We heard the soldier’s footsteps and then he yelled, “Open the door!” I said, “But if we come out, you are going to beat us again.” He said, “You think bullets cannot reach you in there?” Then he fired his gun through the door. A bullet hit the inside of my arm and then entered my stomach and I fell down.”
- Gunshot victim in Ndeeba, September 11

“Things were calm in Mpigi that day. We heard about what was happening in Kampala and someone had lit two tires on fire, but the cars could pass. Faisal and I were standing on the veranda. The soldiers came in a government vehicle and started caning people. One soldier came carrying a stick and a gun. He threw the stick at a boy and then got out the gun. He pointed the gun towards us, and then fired at us two times. I ran and hid at a house nearby. And later, someone said that a man was killed. A bit later, I learned it was Faisal. He had been shot in the neck.”
- Witness to killing of Faisal Bukenya, September 10

“On Friday morning, I saw the boys throwing a few rocks at the soldiers, and then the soldiers started shooting in their direction. Eventually the soldiers rounded up a group of boys and held them at the petrol station. The soldiers were forcing the boys to jump up and down as punishment for throwing rocks. When they tried to move the group of unruly boys, some scattered and the military began shooting at them again. The woman with the three children was killed just then.”
- Witness to the killing of Stella Kabasinguzi, September 11

“She was just on the steps of her home on Friday morning. She had gone to collect some bread for the children. When she saw the soldiers, she threw her hands in the air, but he fired right at her and she fell. He was standing just a bit down from her.”
- Another witness to the killing of Stella Kabasinguzi, September 11

“I was here in the market, selling matoke on Friday morning around 8 a.m. Suddenly, the military came in and started beating people, telling everyone to leave the market. Even the security officer for the market was hit by batons from them. They even beat me very hard on the buttocks, while I was trying to run away. Some of them stole the money I had on the ground. Others started shooting into the market and a boy was hit and a man was killed.”
- Witness to killings and shooting in Nateete, September 11

List of fatal shootings investigated by Human Rights Watch
On September 10

1.            Hussein Mujuuka, shot through the eye by military in personnel carrier, in Bwaise

2.            Robert, Congolese national, shot by military near Qualicell Building in Kampala Bus Park

3.            John Bosco Kaagwa, shot in the back by military near Nakulabye trading center

4.            Ssadam Katongole, shot in the chest by the military at “Kubirri” – Mulago roundabout

5.            Deo Lutaaya, shot in Kabuusu by military in personnel carrier, near Petrol City, on Masaka Road

6.            Muganga Huzairu, shot in the abdomen in Nateete; died at Mulago hospital

7.            Faisal Bukenya, shot in the neck by a soldier in Mpigi Town

On September 11

8.            Ronald Kasagga, shot in the chest by military on foot near Busega roundabout

9.            Kinaalwa Sseddulaaka Jackson, killed by military on foot in Tomusange zone, Ndeeba

10.        Mustaifa Basajjabalaba, shot by military in Kitaka zone, Kibazo road, Busega

11.        Daoudi Ssentongo, killed by military in Busega roundabout

12.        Stella Kabasinguzi, killed by military in zone 4, Kasubi

13.        Customer shot by military in Nateete Market

Other deaths:

14.        Kakooza Hussein, beaten by the police in Nakamiro zone, Kazo, on September 11; died on September 17

Other fatal shootings reported in the media:

15.        Unnamed private security guard working for Saracen Security Company

16.        Patrick Kaijamurubi, military police, from Masindi, killed by a stray bullet shot by another military policeman while Kaijamurubi was fixing tire on his vehicle in Ndeeba

17.        Geoffrey Andama, high school student, shot at Shop Rite Supermarket, near the Clock Tower junction

18.        Benjamin Atere, 2 years old, died from gunshot on Mawanda Road in Mulago

19.        Frank Kafuma, sustained gunshot wounds at Nabweru in Kawempe division, died in Mulago

20.        Yawe Wesige Mukama, shot in Kawempe
To view a slide show of photos from the Kampala riots and their aftermath, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/features/uganda-riots

For more Human Rights Watch reporting on Uganda, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/africa/uganda

For more information, please contact:
In New York, Jon Elliott (English, French): +1-917-379-0713 (mobile)
In New York, Georgette Gagnon (English): +1-212-216-1223; or +1-917-535-0375 (mobile)
In Kampala, Maria Burnett (English, French): +256-7

Reliable sources in both Mmengo and the NRM occupation government have confirmed to us that the Kabaka of Buganda, Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II, will meet Uganda warlord, Yoweri Museveni, on Wednesday, September 30, 2009. A senior Buganda official assured us that the Kabaka did not agree to see Museveni as such but simply responded to the reality that a mentally unstable man is pointing a gun at his head.  The official who contacted us by email said: “We had reliable information that Museveni has a real mental condition. Yes, he is a coward and a bully but he is also a very scared, mentally disturbed and paranoid man. It appears that the Kabaka might have decided to meet the Uganda warlord based on concerns about a public secret that Museveni intended to keep arresting Mmengo popular personalities, including   Kabaka Mutebi himself, to force new riots where he could give Baganda a genocidal blow. Put simply, Museveni has forced to talk to him at gunpoint. ”

Speaking on condition of anonymity, the angry Buganda Government official told us that certain people who are cowards or stand to gain financially have been putting pressure on Kabaka to speak to Museveni.  He elaborated: “A major problem is that too much of Mmengo is run on a part-time basis by businessmen, including some who make millions per month for being associated with the Buganda government. As it was in the 1900 agreement, the most vocal of these people advise the Kabaka based on their own needs. And even now, the loudest voices put Buganda and Kabaka second.  I won’t name names yet, but some of the, so called senior Baganda leaders  persistently invite Museveni’s Gilbert Bukenya to come and spy and Kabaka Mutebi, even when they know that he supports the abolishment of kingdoms.”

Our source close to Museveni’s state house has separately confirmed  to us that they expect Kabaka Mutebi to come with, “whatever is remaining of his officials”. According to the source, Museveni is by that by forcing Mutebi to come to Entebbe against his achieves a few important things: (a) Erase the image that Kabaka is stronger than Museveni and demoralize Baganda youth, who remain the toughest problem for Museveni; (b) Isolate Kabaka Mutebi, weaken the radical Mmengo wing and strengthen the NRM elements in Mmengo. Our source also warns that there is little chance of CBS FM Radio, one the items the Mmengo ‘businessmen’ want discussed, will actually happen. The source says, “If Museveni allows CBS to reopen, his conditions will be so tough that it will become a mere shell of the original ‘Radio ya Ssabasajja’ jewel.”

Shortly after Museveni’s New Vision newspaper announced the Wednesday meeting on Monday, a leading Buganda analyst, in New York,  sent us email to warn Baganda against getting too excited if the meeting takes place at all. He wrote: “Even if it turns out that the New Vision report is true and Kabaka Mutebi will meet Museveni, smart Baganda will see it for the farce what it is. By forcing Kabaka Mutebi to meet him against his will Museveni has created a classic occupation similar to the German occupation of the Kingdom of Denmark in 1940.  The only big difference is that Germany has a strong organized military and government, while Museveni’s are falling apart. Interestingly, as is the case in Buganda today , top Danish government officials and religious leaders were quick to collaborate with Nazi Germany in 1940.  At the end of the day, though, Denmark is an independent constitutional monarchy today.  We Baganda are even lucky because a few of the Mmengo officials are brave and determined to support our Kabaka. Clearly, Buganda is under armed occupation as the NY/JN chapter of Ggwaga Mujje said in their press release. Therefore, whatever agreement Kabaka is forced to sign under duress is null and void. “

Sunday 30^th August was yet again the Annual Clans of the Baganda in the UK  Sports day which was held at McMillan Stadium at Newham Leisure Centre in East London. As usual, it was a well attended event with a range of activities to suit almost everybody from the age of 3 upwards. Competitive activities included table tennis, badminton, basket ball, omweso, draughts, football and athletics field and track. The 50 plus had no excuse not to participate as there was a walking race as well. As last year, Jomayi Property Consultants teamed up with Empapula Za Kakobe magazine to sponsor this event with contribution from Pier One Sound Systems plus the many volunteers who helped make the day run smoothly.

The essence of this sports day is to bring together the Baganda in their major building block which is the clan. It is an opportunity not only to have fun and keep fit but to fraternise with one’s clansmates, strengthen the sense of togetherness and, probably most importantly, inculcate in the young ones, even those born outside of Buganda, the fact that they have strong cultural roots which they should cherish wherever they are. It makes them aware that they are related to people they may never have met before and this sense of belonging to a wider, bigger entity which eventually makes you a Muganda and explains one’s surname and eventually who you may and may not marry is treasured.

This sports day is unique in that it involves everyone who wants to compete and amass points for their clan unlike back at home where only those selected as good enough and trained represent their clan. This makes everyone feel important for their clan.

The medals ceremony was presided over by Prince Daudi Ggolooba and Naalinnya Elizabeth Nakabiri introduced by Fred Ssemugera the Chairman of Ebika Bya Baganda E Bungereza. This was preceeded by the crowds rendering of”Ekitiibwa kya Buganda ” ( Buganda’s anthem )which was made jespecially joyful by the  under 13’s who sung it with gusto and enthusiasm. All this was after one of the highlights of the day, the tug of war which is one of the events where one sees the effort and pride contestants put in on behalf of their clans, the weaker ones often being literary dragged on the floor but still walking off with pride. The medals won, especially by the young people, were the icing on the cake. Many winners walked away proudly with wide smiles and a sense of belonging and worthiness, let alone the self esteem of achievement for self and clan.

This year, Ngabi were toppled into second place by Mmamba. Third were Lugave and Ndiga fourth. A total of twenty six clans were represented.

On September 1, 2009, Ggwangamujje NY/NJ, Inc. announced Ttabamiruka ‘10, an International Baganda conference outside Buganda, to take place over the American Labor Day holiday of September 3-6, 2010 in New York, USA.  The venue and program will be posted on the conference website, www.ttabamiruka.com.

After two highly successful conferences in 2007 and 2008, Ggwangamujje was unable to hold Ttabamiruka ‘09 because of the global financial crisis.

The official theme of Ttabamiruka ‘10 has not been decided on yet. However, the Chairman of the past two Ttabamirukas, Mr. Edward Semambya, provided some insight into the conference plans. He stated that, “Kabaka Mutebi has done a great job of providing leadership and guidance to Baganda during extremely difficult times. The Baganda in the Diaspora would like to express their gratitude to him.

Mr. Semambya continued that, “although it is still too early to talk about the program and dignitaries, Ttabamiruka ‘10 will provide unprecedented international exposure for Kabaka Mutebi and our Kingdom.”

In the meantime, Uganda-style politics threaten to cause an implosion in UNAA, as the election race for the organization’s new leaders heats up. The leading candidate appears to be the Muganda incumbent, US Army soldier, Lt. Frank (Omusese) Musisi. His opponents are Moses Wilson and Flex Kabuye, both known to have close relationships with high profile NRM officials and Uganda embassy staff. Indeed, Kabuye is brother to Brig. Kayanja, who at one time led Mr. Museveni’s brutal and extra-judicial Operation Wembly against robberies. So, very much like in it does in Uganda, the NRM is supporting more than one candidates.

Musisi has positioned himself as the an anti-Museveni Muganda candidate, which has won him strong support from Baganda all over the USA. Kabuye, on the other hand, is playing the classic NRM style politics of money. For example, according to reports from Washington DC, he secretly sponsored a major Muganda musician and then tried to use the concert as a platform to campaign. Unfortunately for him the anti-NRM faction in Washington DC commandeered the stage and nsibambed him (denied him the microphone). According to Uganda diplomatic sources in the USA, various NRM elements have sent in a total of at least $90,000 to support Kabuye and Wilson. And the NRM government plans to bring is 20-50 officials from Ugnada, to vote as instructed.

It is too early to tell where these battles will end. First of all, although Musisi appears to have the most support, Wilson and Kabuye could do a last minute deal and join supporters to help the stronger NRM to win. Then there is the issue of Mrs. Museveni, who insists on being a key speaker at the UNAA conference.  Secondly, we can report that  Ambassador Kamunanwire has openly told Musisi that the if Mrs. Museveni is not allowed to speak, the NRM government will withhold the $20,000 that it had promised to give to UNAA, as it did last year. Furthermore, under pressure from Mrs. Museveni, several major Ugandan sponsors of UNAA (UIA, URA, BOU and others) have also indicated that they may not send any money.

One problem for Musisi is that, the UNAA conference may implode for financial reasons, even before the voting takes place.  According to unconfirmed reports, Musisi is desperately looking for a way to give in and allow Mrs. Museveni speak without looking like he has been bought by the NRM. Reportedly, he cannot afford to forgo the Museveni money. If the now very angry Janet Museveni decides to play true NRM politics of betrayal, however, the end of this story might be much more dramatic than what has happened so far.

The highly popular London hosted Annual Ebika Bya Baganda e Bungereza Sports Day for this year is slated for Sunday 30th August 2009 according to one of the organizers, Mw. Fred Ssemugera. Individual and team events will include track and field, rope tag of war, omweso, drafts, table tennis, basketball, badminton, swimming and 5-a-side soccer. The track and field competitions will pit Baganda of all ages in 100 meter, 200 meter, 400 meter as well as 100 x 4 relay sprints.

The Baganda games will be held at the McMillan Stadium, Newham Leisure Centre, Plaistow, London, E13,  from  1:00 PM to 11:00 PM. The guest of honor will be Buganda government minister for Tourism, Ow’ek. Nakiwala Kiyingi. Other ceremonies on the same venue will include an exhibition of arts and crafts from Buganda and viewing of videos promoting tourism in Buganda.

More information is available from  Fred Ssemugera on 0208 428 9553 and 07956 455 133, Dr. Ssekweyama on  0208 670 5590, Yosef Serugo on  01708 747 398, Yiga Matovu on 0208 854 3554 and Daudi Sserukeera on 07944 162 354.