According to the  July 8, 2010 issue of NRM government mouthpiece, the New Vision newspaper, Buganda minister of information, Owek. Charles Peter Mayiga has disowned popular Buganda Hussein Kyanjo’s statements that, if  Museveni’s government fails to adhere to democratic principles and the rule of law, the people of Buganda would take up arms. The New Vision further says that Owek. Mayiga dismissed Kyanjo’s the remarks as his (Kyanjo’s) personal opinion. Mayiga is quoted as saying:“Kyanjo is not the spokesperson of the Buganda kingdom. He is not a Mmengo official. Those remarks he made were his personal opinion.” However, there is no indication that Mayiga explained his claim that Mmengo officials represent the kingdom of Buganda.

Museveni’s New Vision says that Owek. Mayiga explained Mmengo’s disagreement with Kyanjo by saying: “Our strongest weapon is dissemination of information regarding our legitimate cause. If voters are informed, they don’t need to pick up arms to get what they want because our Constitution says power belongs to people.”

When Buganda Post contacted a prominent lawyer and Buganda analyst based in the United Kingdom, he responded that both Mayiga and Kyanjo refer to the Museveni’s constitution appropriately but if Mayiga is quoted correctly then he is being dishonest. The analyst also questioned Mayiga’s alleged claim that only Mmengo speaks for Buganda. The analyst explained: “Mayiga focuses on Article 1 of Museveni’s constitution, which says ‘power belongs to the people’. Mayiga, Makubuya and ordinary Baganda know that by bribing MPs to change presidential term limits, invading Congo without consulting parliament, ignoring the popular call for Federo, stealing elections and committing similar illegal acts, Museveni and the NRM usurped the people’s power and broke the constitution.

“Unlike Mayiga, Kyanjo is reading both Article 1 and Article 3 of Museveni’s constitution. And Article 3 says that ‘(4) All citizens of Uganda have a right and duty to protect the Constitution.’ and ‘(5) Any person who defends and protects the Constitution commits no offence…’ without limiting the means of defending the constitution. Mayiga and Makubuya know that Kyanjo’s position is 100% correct and legal under Article 3. It appears that  they have been compromised either by personal interests and mere cowardice.”

On the matter of who speaks for Buganda, our analyst first clarifies that, for centuries, Baganda believe that power in Buganda is vested in the institution of Kabaka, since, as Ssabataka who is not tied to one clan, he can lead and guide all Bataka and their grandchildren (Baganda) wisely and fairly. That is why the Kabaka consults and weighs everything very carefully before he speaks and why Baganda do not criticize him publicly. The top Mmengo official is the Katikkiro of Buganda, who is appointed by the Kabaka, after wide consultation with clan leaders, religious leaders and many other Baganda. All Mmengo officials are deemed to have been appointed by Kabaka and to speak for Buganda but, in reality, they are screened and selected by the Katikkiro and other Mmengo officials before presentation to the Kabaka.

He then said: “If you compare the strong statements and decisions that Kabaka Mutebi has made over Federo, Buganda land, the attempted firing of Nambooze from CBS and freedom and justice for Baganda and those made by Walusimbi and Mayiga you can see that the Katikkiro and his friend are outright disobeying the Kabaka. Don’t forget that that it was Mayiga, John Katende, Apollo Makubuya and Katikkiro Ssemwogerere who lied to Kabaka and Buganda that Museveni’s Regional Tier was good for Buganda in 2006. If Mmengo speaks for Buganda, why did the Buganda Lukiiko soundly reject Regional Tier on February 7, 2006?

“Baganda are not stupid. They can see when Mmengo is no longer serving the Kabaka or his subjects’ interests. If that is the case, then how can Mmengo claim to be to only spokesmen for the Kingdom? Mmengo is not even recognized in Museveni’s constitution, which Mayiga constantly quotes!  I disagree. I think that by siding with and appeasing the occupation NRM government so frequently, Mmengo has lost the minds and hearts of Baganda. Ordinary Baganda, who are 80% youths, are more interested in what Nambooze or Kyanjo or Nsambu or Ssemujju says than what Walusimbi or Mayiga announces. In reality, Nambooze, Kyanjo,  Nsubuga Nsambu and Ssemujju speak more for Buganda than the compromised Mmengo leaders. That is why Kabaka Mutebi has found himself having to speak out, to cancel the misinformation by Walusimbi and Mayiga. The bottom line is, every Muganda now has a duty to fight for Buganda’s freedom from the current armed occupation.”

On January 6, 2010 Ekiba Kibe program, which is broadcast to cellular telephones via multi-media message service (MMS), has accused Mmengo of incompetence and appealed to Baganda to realize that they do not need to rely on Mmengo to fight for Buganda’s rights and freedom (see “Mmengo Is Unqualified To Fight For Buganda, Diaspora MMS Radio Says“.)

PRESS RELEASE

Uganda: Troops Killed Unarmed People in Riot Period
No Lethal Force Necessary in at Least 13 Fatal Shootings

(Kampala, October 1, 2009) – The Ugandan government should immediately order an independent investigation into the killing of unarmed persons during and after riots in Kampala on September 10 and 11, 2009, Human Rights Watch said today.

A Human Rights Watch investigation found that at least 13 people were shot by government forces in situations where lethal force was unnecessary. The Minister of Internal Affairs reported to parliament that 27 people had died during the riots and that seven were uninvolved in riot activity.

“Shooting in self defense is one thing, but we found that some soldiers shot at bystanders and shot through locked doors,” said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The government needs to put an impartial investigation in motion now.”

The riots in Kampala, Uganda’s capital, began on September 10, when police blocked a delegation representing the Buganda kingdom from visiting Kayunga district. The cultural king of Buganda, known as the kabaka, was planning to visit Kayunga for National Youth Day two days later. The visit was opposed by leaders of the Banyala ethnic group in Kayunga, who reject the kabaka’s authority. The kabaka’s supporters took to the streets to protest the police action, and violence began soon afterward.

Sources at Kampala’s main hospital, Mulago, indicate that 88 victims of the violence were admitted for treatment over this period, most for gunshot wounds. Victims were taken to other hospitals as well. According to the minister of internal affairs, at least 846 people were arrested for alleged crimes committed during the riots, and the arrests continue. At least 24 of the alleged rioters have been charged with terrorism for destroying government property, and many others have been charged with unlawful assembly and inciting violence.

During and after the unrest, Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 50 victims and their family members, witnesses, doctors, and local and senior government officials. On-the-ground research was conducted into the circumstances surrounding the violence in the Kampala neighborhoods of Nateete, Kasubi, Busega, Ndeeba, Bwaise, Bunga, the Salaama Road at Nakinyuguzi zone, and in Mpigi town.

Human Rights Watch investigated several fatal and non-fatal shootings by security forces on September 10 and 11 that raise serious questions about the level of force employed in response to the riots. In a number of cases throughout the city, there is strong evidence that security forces shot individuals who were not threatening them or others.

This challenges statements by some government officials that live ammunition was only fired into the air to clear the streets of protesters.

However, President Yoweri Museveni, addressing parliament on September 10, after the riots broke out, contended that “initially police acted slowly” in response to the unrest. “Looters,” he said, “will be shot on sight, as will those who attack civilians.”

Human Rights Watch said that investigations should look into the circumstances of the rioting and into how to improve policing during demonstrations. Thus far, there is no clear evidence to support the contention of some Ugandan government officials that the Kampala riots were organized in advance. The Buganda kingdom government has denied any role in organizing the riots. Some rioters do appear to have employed parallel tactics, such as burning tires to block roads in several areas of the city, especially on the afternoon of September 10.

Human Rights Watch urged the police and other security forces to abide by the United Nations Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials. The principles call upon law enforcement officials, including military units responding to national emergencies, to apply nonviolent means before resorting to the use of force, to use force only in proportion to the seriousness of the offense, and to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable to protect life. The principles also provide that governments shall ensure that arbitrary or abusive use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials is punished as a criminal offense under their law.

“Much of the attention has focused on the politics surrounding recent events,” said Gagnon. “But the real tragedy is that families have lost loved ones in entirely unnecessary circumstances. They deserve to see justice done.”

Violence and the Response

Human Rights Watch found that in the early stages of the demonstrations on September 10, some protesters resorted to violence in some areas of Kampala, burning at least five cars, one passenger bus, and one delivery truck, blocking some main roads with burning tires and debris, looting shops, and throwing rocks at police and members of the armed forces. In Nateete, protesters burned a police station. In Bwaise, a factory was set on fire. No one was reported injured in either fire, and local hospitals did not report any burn victims. Police, some in riot gear, used teargas in several areas of the city.

Uganda’s inspector general of police (IGP), Maj. Gen. Kale Kayihura, told Human Rights Watch that military police and the army’s Presidential Guard Brigade were deployed under his orders to support the police beginning at around 4 p.m. on September 10, and that infantry soldiers were deployed in support shortly thereafter. Kayihura said that these units fired live ammunition into the air to scatter rioters.

Human Rights Watch’s research indicates that the security forces faced some situations in which the use of firearms may have been warranted. One witness described seeing a rioter steal a civilian security guard’s gun near Kampala Bus Park on September 10 and shoot a policeman in the leg. Kayihura provided two other instances, in Nateete and Sseta, where rioters fired on the security forces. It remains unclear if anyone was injured in those two instances, and those events were not investigated by Human Rights Watch.

Kayihura told Human Rights Watch that, while all government forces had been ordered to use minimum force, non-lethal options such as rubber bullets and pepper spray are not standard issue in all police posts. He claimed that the security forces had few alternatives to shooting live ammunition into the air. Other knowledgeable sources in the police told Human Rights Watch that the police stocks of tear gas had run low and that officials feared they lacked the means to secure the city without using firearms.

Where Lethal Force Was Not Necessary

However, among the episodes that raise serious questions about the use of force, in Bwaise on September 10, local people gathered to observe the fire brigade fight a fire set by rioters earlier that afternoon. An army armored personnel carrier drove by the crowd and the troops on board fired, striking Hussein Mujuuka in the back of the head and killing him instantly. At least 10 others were wounded by the gunfire. Several witnesses told Human Rights Watch that local residents responded by burning tires along the Bwaise-Kampala Road. They said that shootings by the military continued during the evening hours in Bwaise and that many other people were wounded. Deaths from military gunfire also occurred the same day in Kawempe, Nakulabye, Mulago, and the Ndeeba areas of Kampala.

Security forces using live ammunition caused many injuries and at least six deaths on September 11. Witnesses and victims told Human Rights Watch that most Kampala communities were trying to return to normal business after the previous day’s unrest. However, soldiers heavily deployed both on foot and in armored personnel carriers in some areas of the city fired live ammunition. There is evidence in some instances that they deliberately shot and killed or wounded people who were not actively involved in demonstrations or unrest.

For example, military units, some accompanied by police forces deployed in Ndeeba that morning, apparently ordered people on the roads to return home. Over several hours, soldiers shot and killed one person and seriously wounded two more. In each case, the victims were shot after they had entered their homes or workplaces. Witnesses said that soldiers apparently pursued people several hundred meters from the main roads and fired their weapons through locked doors. However, no official curfew had been imposed.

Kinaalwa Sseddulaaka Jackson, the owner of a dry cleaning shop about 100 meters from the Masaka road in Tomusange zone, Ndeeba, hid in his back storage room and locked the back door when an army armored personnel carrier entered Ndeeba and soldiers on board began shooting. A few minutes later, a uniformed soldier walked through the area and fired his AK-47 through Sseddulaaka’s back door, killing him instantly. Human Rights Watch researchers saw two bullet holes in that door, as well as five other bullet holes in doors and walls in the neighborhood. All were in the lower half of the doors and walls.

Soldiers and police also deployed around Nateete market that morning, closing the main gate even though the market was filled with food vendors and customers. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that uniformed soldiers, some wearing the red berets of the military police, began to attack people with sticks and batons, and ordered them to clear the streets and return home. Several women selling matoke (plantains) showed Human Rights Watch large contusions and bruises from having been beaten while trying to flee.

The witnesses said that the soldiers then began firing their weapons, both in the air and into the crowds. One customer was killed and another wounded. One female vendor showed Human Rights Watch where she had been grazed by a bullet on her hip, requiring medical treatment. Human Rights Watch saw three bullet holes in the market walls and three others through its iron roof sheeting.

In Busega, an area dense with open-air shops and stalls, soldiers shot and killed two people in separate incidents that morning. Residents and officials reported that on the previous day, rioters in the area had blocked roads with fires and demanded money from those trying to enter Kampala by car. Rioters had looted a Coca Cola truck and burned it. The situation calmed by 7 p.m. that day, and the shops along the road had reopened. Witnesses said the area had remained calm the next morning until a military armored personnel carrier and military and police trucks drove through, in some cases telling people to clear the streets and return home. The shops closed quickly when soldiers in the personnel carrier began firing live bullets, but 13-year-old Daoudi Ssentongo was struck in the head and killed inside his family’s shop when a bullet ripped through a refrigerator next door. His death triggered more demonstrations, and members of the community tried to block the personnel carrier from re-entering the area by burning debris in the road.

Near where the youth died, soldiers on foot chased people away from the main roundabout, evidently to arrest or deter rioters. Soldiers pursued several young men who ran away. Ronald Kasagga, who supplied ice to the area’s fish vendors, was fatally shot in the chest at close range by a soldier. Witnesses said that the soldier yelled “Stop!” and that when Kasagga turned around, the soldier fired.

Around 11 a.m. on September 11 in Kasubi zone 4, rioters had been taunting nearby soldiers and throwing rocks near a gas station on the main road, witnesses said. When the soldiers pursued them, they ran up the hill, past the home of Stella Kabasinguzi, who had left her house briefly, seeking bread for her three children. The soldiers approached her home, and Kabasinguzi immediately raised her hands in the air. A soldier shot her, in front of her children. She died on the way to the hospital. Human Rights Watch observed three bullet holes through doors in other homes in zone 4, more than 100 meters from the main road where riots had occurred. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that a soldier on foot demanded that people go inside their homes, and shot through the doors when some hesitated.

Throughout the city on September 11, soldiers and police threatened and beat people to obtain information about the whereabouts of alleged rioters. A woman making tea outside her restaurant in Ndeeba was questioned by a uniformed soldier carrying an AK-47. According to several people interviewed separately, when she did not have answers to his questions, he poured the hot tea on her back. He then stuck the gun barrel into her mouth and demanded to know where rioters were hiding. She escaped only after bystanders diverted his attention.

Nile Broadcasting Services broadcast video of police and military patrolling areas on September 11, beating people sitting and standing near their homes in Kazo and throwing them into the backs of police trucks. The authorities did not request names or identity documents before arresting them. In one instance, when a man protested being forcibly removed from his home, he was beaten repeatedly. Police took truckloads of suspects to Kawempe police station. Human Rights Watch researchers observed similar actions on Salaama Road that afternoon.

On September 10, government officials told television stations to stop broadcasting live pictures of the violence. In some instances, government forces forcibly removed video footage from TV stations, appropriated journalists’ cameras and videotapes, and deleted photographs of dead bodies. Some journalists were beaten attempting to report on the unfolding events. The state-owned newspaper, The New Vision, inaccurately reported that mobs had on September 11 burned two people to death in Ndeeba. Local officials from Ndeeba and other knowledgeable sources informed Human Rights Watch that no rioters had burned people, but The New Vision has yet to issue corrections.

The Police Explanation

Police Inspector General Kayihura told Human Rights Watch that the police lacked capacity to respond to the speed and geographical breadth of the events of September 10. Unrest in previous years had centered on Kampala’s Central Business District and had not extended into the populous residential neighborhoods. He said that Uganda’s military police, the Presidential Guard Brigade, and regular army units had both the equipment and the mobility to respond to the unrest. He said that the military police, like the civilian police, have had training in riot control, and that the armored personnel carriers were deployed to help move units around the suburbs where riots were taking place. He said the Ugandan military possesses four of these vehicles – two Gila and two Mamba anti-riot vehicles, which can also be used for “fighting terrorism and insurgency.”

Kayihura said that seven of the 27 reported killed during the riots were not involved in the riots at the time of their deaths, and that they were hit by “stray bullets.” He told Human Rights Watch that the deaths were unfortunate and regrettable, but that the security forces had shown restraint in their response to the unrest. He said that two policemen had been arrested for shooting in the air in Kasubi (the arrests appear unrelated to the death of Kabasinguzi). He said that investigations would be conducted into the circumstances of all the deaths during the riots, but also cited section 69 of Uganda’s penal code, which states that police may use “all such force as is reasonably necessary for overcoming” a riot and police “shall not be liable in any criminal or civil proceeding for having, by the use of such force, caused harm or death to any person.”

According to statements quoted in The New Vision newspaper by the army spokesman, Lt. Col. Felix Kulayigye, military units were deployed under article 209(b) of the constitution, which states that the Ugandan People’s Defence Forces shall “cooperate with the civilian authority in emergency situations” and that once deployed, they act under orders of the inspector general of police.” Kulayigye contended that the situation was “a war” and that the riots had had “genocidal tendencies.” He placed blame for the deaths on the alleged organizers of the riots, but admitted that “the moment the bullet leaves the barrel, anything could happen beyond there.”

Human Rights Watch is deeply concerned that Kulayigye’s statement might encourage members of the security forces to use unnecessary and unlawful lethal force during future encounters with demonstrators.

Museveni told an emergency session of parliament on September 15 that the government will compensate those who lost their properties and vehicles, and it will also assist those who lost family members.

Recommendations

Human Rights Watch urged the government of Uganda to take the following actions:

• Publicly acknowledge and condemn recent shootings of unarmed people by members of the security forces.
• Undertake an independent and impartial investigation into the actions of all soldiers and police alleged to have perpetrated human rights abuses during the September riots. Prosecute those against whom there is sufficient evidence in accordance with international fair trial standards.
• Issue clear public instructions to all government forces involved in policing to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable to protect human life.
• Seek out non-lethal options for police and military responding to demonstrations and protests, and ensure those options are standard issue for police stations.

Human Rights Watch urged donors to the Ugandan government, especially members of the Partners for Democracy and Governance Working Group, to take the following actions:

• Publicly express concern about human rights abuses committed by members of the military and police during the September riots.
• Urge government leaders to hold accountable, in accordance with international fair trial standards, members of the security forces implicated in human rights violations.
• Support the police in acquiring non-lethal options for riot response and ensure that relevant personnel from the police and military receive adequate training.

Background

The role of cultural royalty such as the kabaka in Uganda has been the source of debate historically. President Milton Obote outlawed all cultural leaders in 1966, but Museveni permitted them to return in 1995. Under the constitution, cultural leaders are barred from politics, but they still wield influence over their communities. The kabaka is the king of the Baganda people, the largest ethnic group in Uganda and a key constituency in the upcoming 2011 elections. Since independence, some Baganda political leaders have argued that the Buganda kingdom should be a federal state within Uganda.

Accounts from Victims and Witnesses of Shootings during Recent Kampala Riots

“It was 9 a.m. when I was returning from the village where we buried my friend Deo, who was shot and killed in Ndeeba on Thursday during the riots. When I arrived back to town, I saw a group of soldiers and men in civilian clothes with guns and sticks walking along the road. I ran to the other side of the road and to find a place to hide. The soldiers began to hit us with batons and kick us. They were beating other people in the road as well. I ran away and noticed I had a cut on my head from the baton, and I was bleeding. My friend and I went off the main road and hid by locking ourselves into a storage room near a friend’s shop. We heard the soldier’s footsteps and then he yelled, “Open the door!” I said, “But if we come out, you are going to beat us again.” He said, “You think bullets cannot reach you in there?” Then he fired his gun through the door. A bullet hit the inside of my arm and then entered my stomach and I fell down.”
- Gunshot victim in Ndeeba, September 11

“Things were calm in Mpigi that day. We heard about what was happening in Kampala and someone had lit two tires on fire, but the cars could pass. Faisal and I were standing on the veranda. The soldiers came in a government vehicle and started caning people. One soldier came carrying a stick and a gun. He threw the stick at a boy and then got out the gun. He pointed the gun towards us, and then fired at us two times. I ran and hid at a house nearby. And later, someone said that a man was killed. A bit later, I learned it was Faisal. He had been shot in the neck.”
- Witness to killing of Faisal Bukenya, September 10

“On Friday morning, I saw the boys throwing a few rocks at the soldiers, and then the soldiers started shooting in their direction. Eventually the soldiers rounded up a group of boys and held them at the petrol station. The soldiers were forcing the boys to jump up and down as punishment for throwing rocks. When they tried to move the group of unruly boys, some scattered and the military began shooting at them again. The woman with the three children was killed just then.”
- Witness to the killing of Stella Kabasinguzi, September 11

“She was just on the steps of her home on Friday morning. She had gone to collect some bread for the children. When she saw the soldiers, she threw her hands in the air, but he fired right at her and she fell. He was standing just a bit down from her.”
- Another witness to the killing of Stella Kabasinguzi, September 11

“I was here in the market, selling matoke on Friday morning around 8 a.m. Suddenly, the military came in and started beating people, telling everyone to leave the market. Even the security officer for the market was hit by batons from them. They even beat me very hard on the buttocks, while I was trying to run away. Some of them stole the money I had on the ground. Others started shooting into the market and a boy was hit and a man was killed.”
- Witness to killings and shooting in Nateete, September 11

List of fatal shootings investigated by Human Rights Watch
On September 10

1.            Hussein Mujuuka, shot through the eye by military in personnel carrier, in Bwaise

2.            Robert, Congolese national, shot by military near Qualicell Building in Kampala Bus Park

3.            John Bosco Kaagwa, shot in the back by military near Nakulabye trading center

4.            Ssadam Katongole, shot in the chest by the military at “Kubirri” – Mulago roundabout

5.            Deo Lutaaya, shot in Kabuusu by military in personnel carrier, near Petrol City, on Masaka Road

6.            Muganga Huzairu, shot in the abdomen in Nateete; died at Mulago hospital

7.            Faisal Bukenya, shot in the neck by a soldier in Mpigi Town

On September 11

8.            Ronald Kasagga, shot in the chest by military on foot near Busega roundabout

9.            Kinaalwa Sseddulaaka Jackson, killed by military on foot in Tomusange zone, Ndeeba

10.        Mustaifa Basajjabalaba, shot by military in Kitaka zone, Kibazo road, Busega

11.        Daoudi Ssentongo, killed by military in Busega roundabout

12.        Stella Kabasinguzi, killed by military in zone 4, Kasubi

13.        Customer shot by military in Nateete Market

Other deaths:

14.        Kakooza Hussein, beaten by the police in Nakamiro zone, Kazo, on September 11; died on September 17

Other fatal shootings reported in the media:

15.        Unnamed private security guard working for Saracen Security Company

16.        Patrick Kaijamurubi, military police, from Masindi, killed by a stray bullet shot by another military policeman while Kaijamurubi was fixing tire on his vehicle in Ndeeba

17.        Geoffrey Andama, high school student, shot at Shop Rite Supermarket, near the Clock Tower junction

18.        Benjamin Atere, 2 years old, died from gunshot on Mawanda Road in Mulago

19.        Frank Kafuma, sustained gunshot wounds at Nabweru in Kawempe division, died in Mulago

20.        Yawe Wesige Mukama, shot in Kawempe
To view a slide show of photos from the Kampala riots and their aftermath, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/features/uganda-riots

For more Human Rights Watch reporting on Uganda, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/africa/uganda

For more information, please contact:
In New York, Jon Elliott (English, French): +1-917-379-0713 (mobile)
In New York, Georgette Gagnon (English): +1-212-216-1223; or +1-917-535-0375 (mobile)
In Kampala, Maria Burnett (English, French): +256-7

Another Ttabamiruka ’08 conference video has surfaced on Youtube. Last time it was Hussein Kyanjo. This time it is the “intellectual iron lady” Beti Namisango Kamya spitting fire at president Museveni’s practice of shamelessly passing laws which are blatantly anti-Baganda. Beti’s video is over 7 minutes long, where she camly and intellectually challenges Baganda to ask themselves why their kin are being driven by Government out of Bunyoro while the same government is flooding Buganda with Balaalo.

It is not clear if more is to come, how much and when. Or even from who, except that the person doing it used the name “ttabamiruka”.  Click here to see and listen to Beti Kamya speak!.

Ttabamiruka ‘08 conference was concluded on September 1, 2008. According to a press release issued by the organizers, the conference hailed the courage of the three Buganda officials who were recently arrested in Uganda. The conference, in its final resolution, declared that cowardice and self-effacement are now taboo in Buganda affairs, and that Buganda’s right to internal autonomy is non-negotiable.

The conference, which was opened by an official Message from Ssabasajja Kabaka Muwenda Mutebi II, was focused on the future political options of Buganda. The highlights of the two day meeting were addresses by retired Katikkiro Dan Muliika and members of Parliament Beti Kamya and Hussein Kyanjo. The hugely popular trio were frequently interrupted by tumultuous applause and standing ovations.

The conferees resolved that Buganda must take a new political direction based on direct discussions with the other peoples of Uganda to forge a New Deal. The political order of the last 42 years whereby the central government has had unlimited powers was declared a failure for having bred injustice, poverty and strife. The conferees asserted that the 14 Ugandan nationalities whose symbols were engraved on the walls of Uganda’s Parliament and which agreed to the 1962 independence constitution are still the legitimate base of Uganda as a country.

In what appears to be a preview of a Ttabamiruka ’08 conference video someone has posted a  5 minute presentation by the hard hitting Muganda MP for Makindye, Hussein Kyanjo. The posting comes about 4 months since the conference was concluded. It is not clear if more is to come, how much and when. Or even from who. However, the quality of this video is better than even most of the commercial Baganda videos we see on YouTube.com.

In the video snap, Kyanjo describes the chaotic and backward government operations in Uganda.  For example he questions why the thugs involved in money laundering, smuggling and other vices are routinely given Uganda’s diplomatic passport. Click here to listen to Kyanjo.

Ttabamiruka ‘08 conference was successfully concluded on September 1, 2008. According to a press release issued by the organizers, the conference hailed the courage of the three Buganda officials who were recently arrested in Uganda. The conference, in its final resolution, declared that cowardice and self-effacement are now taboo in Buganda affairs, and that Buganda’s right to internal autonomy is non-negotiable.

The conference, which was opened by an official Message from Ssabasajja Kabaka Muwenda Mutebi II, was focused on the future political options of Buganda. The highlights of the two day meeting were addresses by retired Katikkiro Dan Muliika and members of Parliament Beti Kamya and Hussein Kyanjo. The hugely popular trio were frequently interrupted by tumultuous applause and standing ovations.

The conferees resolved that Buganda must take a new political direction based on direct discussions with the other peoples of Uganda to forge a New Deal. The political order of the last 42 years whereby the central government has had unlimited powers was declared a failure for having bred injustice, poverty and strife. The conferees asserted that the 14 Ugandan nationalities whose symbols were engraved on the walls of Uganda’s Parliament and which agreed to the 1962 independence constitution are still the legitimate base of Uganda as a country.

The Attorney General of Buganda, Owek. Apollo Makubuya, told a press conference yesterday that the Kingdom of Buganda is determined to continue fighting against President Museveni’s Land Amendment Bill 2007. After several months of appearing to be in limbo, the controversial bill was brought back to the Uganda parliament in mid Novembers for scrutiny and approval. The bill seeks to some sections of the 1998 Land Act, to enable the thousands of Balaalo and other foreigners who the government has imported into Buganda from Western Uganda, Rwanda, Tanzania and Congo to get immediate legal rights to Buganda lands which was illegally taken. Such land includes Buganda’s 9,000 square miles as well as large tracts of private Baganda land, whose owners are either overseas or powerless to protect it.

President Museveni’s key soldiers pushing the unpopular bill in parliament include Baganda Edward Sekandi (the speaker), Apollo Nsibambi, Rose Namayanja, Ruth Nankabirwa, Abraham Byandaala and James Kinobe. According to parliamentary sources, the the bill is highly likely to pass because virtually all western MP’s routinely vote for anti-Buganda bills and many Baganda MPs have been “facilitated” to toe the NRM line. The Baganda MP’s who are leading the fight on Buganda’s side include Michael Mabikke, Moses Kabuusu, Sarah Nyombi Nansubuga, Beti Kamya and Hussein Kyanjo.

At the December 8, 2008 press conference Attorney General Makubuya and Buganda Minister for Research, Daudi Mpanga, made it clear that Buganda will continue to fight the anti-Buganda bill. As he has done in the past, Makubuya pointed out that the bill amounts to a deception which was hastily put together.  “It does not address the real courses of eviction as the government claims,” he argued. On his part, Daudi calmly told the press that Mr. Museveni’s parliament could pass the bill if they want. However, it would not work in Buganda.

A prominent Muganda business and political strategists in the USA believes that the relentless bashing of Beti Kamya by Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) top brass has been what he called a “power windfall” for Beti Kamya. What is not clear is whether she realizes it and can turn it into a ‘game changer’, at least in Buganda. The analyst told this reporter by email that  Besigye, Musumba and Ogutu totally misread the current psyche of Baganda when they adopted a strategy to isolate, demonize and then discard Beti Kamya. Baganda, both at home and overseas are upset that Besigye and his cabal have copied Museveni in taking Buganda for granted, abusing their leaders. And, there is a huge opportunity for Beti Kamya and friends to “leverage” the situation and change the face of politics in Buganda forever.

For more than three months Beti Kamya has been locked in a public battle with Besigye and other FDC leaders over her resignation from the party’s leadership. Besigye, Ogutu, Anne Mugisha, Salam Musumba and even Sam Njuba have used their influence in the Aga Khan owned newspaper to plant scores of negative stories about Kamya. The government owned New Vision has taken advantage of the situation to publish stories that, in their thinking, weaken both Kamya and the FDC. For the time being, Kamya has the upper hand though, since, due her popularity among Baganda, the FDC has even failed to organize branch elections in Buganda – no one is willing to stand for office.

The Muganda strategist says: “Conscious Baganda in the disapora are quite upset with FDC because many of them believe that, with Beti’s commitment to the kingdom, solid political support in Buganda and overseas, maturity and industry experience, she is a top contender for the position of Katikkiro. Most of the Baganda here in the USA in fact don’t know or care about Musumba and Ogutu. However in the USA, Canada and Europe, Beti is a star, especially after her stellar performance at Ttabamiruka ’08. In fact many of Beti’s supporters are very frustrated that she is still publicly arguing with Besigye over the FDC carcass. As that keeps her down there in the gutters of Uganda politics with Besigye, which makes her difficult to approach.

“A serious problem I see is that, like Nambooze, Kyanjo and Ssegona, Beti is unable to capitalize on the enormous amount of moral and material support available overseas. It appears that they are always too busy arguing with gutter people like Kayihura, Besigye or their top boss to maintain steady relationships with their supporters in London or Boston. They should take a page from the Ugandan Balokole pastors who smartly divide their time between local preaching and packaging themselves to meet the expectations of Christians and potential donor in London or California. I don’t know why they think that we  ‘understand’ the situation in Buganda and so they don’t need to market themselves to us in the language and style we understand. Yet Museveni is marketing himself daily in his New vision and Bukedde and Besigye and Oguttu are doing the same with Monitor.”

Beti Kamya was one of the main speakers at Ttabamiruka ‘08, the Baganda annual conference, which was held in New Jersey, USA at the end of August 2008. Along with Hussein Kyanjo and Katikkiro Muliika, Beti’s paper on Baganda’s political and civil rights was very well received. However, Beti got the strongest reaction from the Baganda youths aged 10 – 30 years, for whom she conducted a special 4 hour seminar on Buganda political and human rights.

The  Ttabamiruka ‘08 conference was successfully concluded on September 1, 2008. According to a press release issued by the organizers, the conference hailed the courage of the three Buganda officials who were recently arrested in Uganda. The conference, in its final resolution, declared that cowardice and self-effacement are now taboo in Buganda affairs, and that Buganda’s right to internal autonomy is non-negotiable.

The conference, which was opened by an official Message from Ssabasajja Kabaka Muwenda Mutebi II, was focused on the future political options of Buganda. The highlights of the two day meeting were addresses by retired Katikkiro Dan Muliika and members of Parliament Beti Kamya and Hussein Kyanjo. The hugely popular trio were frequently interrupted by tumultuous applause and standing ovations.

The conferees resolved that Buganda must take a new political direction based on direct discussions with the other peoples of Uganda to forge a New Deal. The political order of the last 42 years whereby the central government has had unlimited powers was declared a failure for having bred injustice, poverty and strife. The conferees asserted that the 14 Ugandan nationalities whose symbols were engraved on the walls of Uganda’s Parliament and which agreed to the 1962 independence constitution are still the legitimate base of Uganda as a country.

A special Youth Track also focused on Buganda’s future, with special attention given to how to build a stronger sense of identity among young Baganda in Diaspora. The youth sessions were moderated by, among others, Owek. Muliika and Owek. Betty Kamya. The young Baganda resolved to give highest priority to mastering the Luganda language and creating a robust global contact network.

The emotional highlight of the conference was a video of Kabaka’s official Mrs. Betty Nambooze Bakireke describing her arrest and torture. Many openly cried at hearing her describe the humiliation and pain that she was forced to endure, especially at her being locked up in a closet with two other women without enough space to sit down. Her resolve and refusal to buckle under pressure electrified the meeting. The meeting in its final resolution commended her and her colleagues to Ssabasajja Kabaka and promised to emulate the high standards of bravery that she has set. At the meeting, several thousand dollars were raised to assist with her medical expenses.

More details on Ttabamiruka ‘08 are available at the conference website: www.ttabamiruka.com.
Video clips can be found at www.youtube.com.