In an exclusive communication to Buganda Post, a group of Baganda professionals based in Europe have announced that, they are constituting what they called a virtual court to start collecting evidence against Buganda occupiers and their collaborators. They call the virtual court, which includes both lawyers and other professionals,  Embuga Mununula (from effort to rescue Buganda). The members of Embuga Mununula claim that they have started the initiative in the name of their Kabaka although, obviously, he did not personally instruct them. They argue that, since Buganda is occupied by foreigners and Kabaka Mutebi’s movements are now controlled by a Rwandese mercenary, Kalyekezi Kayihura, their action is consistent with the tradition of fighting against occupation forces.

Among the prominent NRM government officials under investigation are Yoweri Tebaruha Museveni, Gilbert Balibaseka Bukenya, David Tinyefuza, Kahinda Otafiire, Kalyekezi Kayihura, Caleb Akandwanaho and John Nagenda. Over the next several months, evidence will be collected and potential witnesses identified, with a goal of building cases against key members of the occupation force and their collaborators. The applicable law will be a combination of English Law and native Buganda Law. For example, native Buganda Law provides for the death penalty on conviction of  treason and betraying Namulondo but also allows collective punishment, where the convict’s whole family is condemned as traitors.

According to the Embuga Mununula founders, as soon as Baganda gain the capacity administer fair trials and carry out appropriate punishments humanely, speedy open trials and sentencing will start. The group does not predict how long this will take. In fact they say that they are willing to continue building cases for as long as Buganda is under occupation. Even if a suspect dies the Baganda who have suffered through his actions will still want his estate to compensate the victims and, in some cases, members of his family to be punished according to native Buganda Law.

The first batch of high value personalities to be investigated first is shown below:

When, on September 16, 2009, Museveni invited all Buganda MPs to a Thursday meeting to discuss the impasse regarding Kabaka’s visit to Kayunga, he was considering denying opposition to the visit (see “Museveni May Blame Police and Minister For Bugerere Violence“).   By the time the meeting took place, Museveni had decided to confront the Kabaka and had grown so paranoid that the locked non-NRM Buganda MP’s out.

One source close to president Museveni’s state house has told us:  “Young and rich Balaalo, who fear to lose the billion of shillings they have looted in Uganda had worked through senior members of the Balaalo akazu (secret conclave) Caleb Akandwanaho (Salim Saleh), Janet Museveni and Elly Karuhanga to persuade Museveni to lower the tension with Mmengo. As late as Wednesday afternoon, Museveni considered blaming the brutal actions of Uganda police against Baganda youths in Kayunga on Kayihura’s men.”  However, the Uganda warlord continued to face pressure from strongly anti-Baganda Balaalo and Bayiru like David Tinyefuza, Kale Kayihura, Kahinda Otafiire and others, who wanted the Kabaka arrested.”

The situation was complicated on Wednesday when, Museveni, after 2 years of unsuccessful efforts, managed to get a telephone audience with Ssabasajja Kabaka.  According the Museveni’s own statement, the Kabaka was clearly unimpressed by the extreme importance the Ugandan ruler places on the title, “President of Uganda”. The unfriendly call left Museveni irate but probably did not change his thoughts about calling some type of truce.

The source says, however, that: “President Museveni panicked on Thursday late morning when he got intelligence reports that the violence that started after Kayihura barred Katikkiro Walusimbi from entering Bugerere was spreading to places as far as Masaka.  Even worse, it was being executed by fearless young Baganda, some as young as 13 years, in huge numbers. When he consulted some members of  the kazu, they were also panicking. When he called Janet Museveni, overseas at the time and very angry at the way Baganda had embarrassed her at UNAA, she told him that there was no choice but crash the Baganda rioters.” That is when Museveni made the final decision to stop Kabaka Mutebi.

Museveni formally announced that unless Mmengo held talks with Banyala and CBS radio stopped their negative campaign against the NRM and inciting the people against Police, Kabaka’s visit to Kayunga on Saturday could not take place. Reportedly, the Ugandan warlord did not sleep at all Thursday night but made another critical decision. He ordered that the Kabaka had to be stopped if he left his palace and live bullets were to be used on rioters.

It appears that Kabaka Mutebi’s advisors got wind of Museveni’s genocidal plans early enough to avert the potential bloodshed. By Friday mid-afternoon, the Buganda cabinet had made the decision that talking to Museveni’s person king (Sabanyala) was out of questions and Baganda blood could not be sacrificed to the NRM government, which seemed deranged.  Sources close to Mmengo could not provide more details about what went on in the Buganda cabinet up to the point of the official statement canceling the trip. However, according the Observer Newspaper (www.observer.ug), the wording and timing  of the Mmengo statement was highly influenced by fear that Katikkiro Walusimbi, who is little trusted by nationalist Baganda, could be harmed.

We can report that Museveni was in communication with people who are close to key Buganda government officials throughout the crisis. However, it is not known if any actual communication took place. Also, Museveni planted at least one informer among Mmengo officials, including in the Katikkiro’s convoy that was stopped at Sezibwa (details withheld to protect the sources).

In the meantime, a state of panic has taken root among the Balaalo community in Buganda. For many of them this the first time they came face to face with the prospect that Museveni does not have the capacity to protest them against the thousands of unemployed and angry young Baganda. Evidence of this panic includes the decision by Rwandese Balaalo, assisted by a foreign country, to volunteer to offer over 20 lorries to accompany Kabaka Mutebi to Kayunga. We have also received unconfirmed reports of an unusual number of Balaalo parents taking their children home from boarding schools on Saturday September 12, 2009.

There are signs that a still unknown group could be getting training and carrying out terror operations in Buddu county, reportedly in demand for Buganda Federo.  Since January 2009, the group has harassed or killed over 50 people around Kyanamukaaka, Kyesiiga, Kiziba, Mutondo, Bisanje and surrounding areas in Kabaka’s Buddu county.  According to local residents, the group previously dropped leaflets in the area warning area MP and Museveni confidant, Edward Sekandi, to resign as MP and speaker of parliament if he cannot support Federo for Buganda. According to reports, the victims tend to be either Banyankore or Banyarwanda, even though some use Kiganda names.

The affected areas are generally along the Masaka to Mutukula road.  Since 2006, these areas have reportedly seen an influx of money, believed to be from either Uganda government or Rwandese sources, to enable Banyarwanda to buy huge pieces of local land. In mid 2008, violence broke out when a Rwandese national bought 1.5 square miles of settled land from a Muganda and started evicting Baganda bibanja (plot) holders, making them homeless. There is a high level of frustration and anger among Baganda, especially unemployed youths, about what they see as neglect and victimization by Mr. Museveni’s government in favor of foreigners.

Both the commander of Uganda police, Kale Kayihura, himself a Munyarwanda, and Edward Sekandi, the area MP, told the government New Vision newspaper on July 10, 2009 that the night killings are the work of criminal thugs. However, neither of them could explain why in many cases the killers, who mostly use machetes (pangas) leave behind easy to carry expensive property.

According to a source close to Mr. Museveni’s state house, the president first received intelligence reports over 1 year ago that Baganda might start an insurgency against government.  The source claimed: “Except if he is pretending and it is his own terror operation, president Museveni seems to be confused about how to face Baganda armed groups on Buganda territory. Given the extreme levels of corruption in the security organizations the intelligence reaching the President, especially about the loyalty of Baganda NRMs is often faulty and misleading. For example, it appears that many local Baganda in Masaka have a lot of information, which they are not sharing with the local DISO or police because they strongly disagree with Museveni on land and Kabaka issues. Some of these NRM officials are the ones who call Mambo Baado on CBS Radio and say, ‘Tukooye abasajja!’ (‘We are fed up with these people!’). Others also feel that Museveni is going and they now want to keep their distance”.

A  New York based Muganda analyst and thought leader thinks that Baganda need more information before getting excited about this so called Baganda insurgency for Federo. He explained: “First, the tactic of terrorizing civilians in the area which is supposed to benefits from a new war has Museveni’s fingerprints all over. Many Luwero veterans have publicly admitted that the NRA used staged ‘Obote murders’ in Bulemeezi and north Kyadondo to recruit unsuspecting relatives to fight for Museveni. Therefore, I would not be shocked if this is an NRM group created to terrorize Baganda in Buddu and to trap potential volunteers. But even if it is not Museveni, one still has to ask if this could not be Acholis, Rwandese or anti-Museveni Balaalo trying to once again ‘use’ Baganda as stepping stones.”

The analyst added: “Remember that in 1995 Museveni started a policy of cutting down all forests in Buganda, even Mabira. The job to carry out the policy was assigned to Bakiga to be supervised by Kahinda Otafiire and Salim Saleh. Most Ugandans mistakenly believed that the objective was just to make money from timber. Yes, Kahinda Otafiire, Saleh and even Mrs. Janet Museveni made millions of dollars from timber but to Yoweri Museveni, the key thing was to wipe out all possible training grounds for anti-NRM forces in Buganda. Why did Museveni leave the forests in southern Buddu untouched? If he did it intentionally for future covert operations or as a possible escape route, then there is a 75% chance that the Buddu insurgency is a Museveni ‘kiwaani’ (fake) to terrorize Baganda and trap his potential enemies. If it is not, we will find out soon enough.”

On September 11, 2008 this columnist credited president Museveni inspired Baganda bashing for the emergency of a new breed of Muganda. Kabaka Mutebi, the most important of all Baganda, had gotten fade up and sent the signal to Baganda to relentlessly fight for their land and political rights. And sensing this new tone from their Kabaka, many Baganda, led by the youth and those in the diaspora crystallized into  this new Muganda who will not be cowed. It now appears that the new Muganda is starting to tell the Baganda bashers, “Payback time is coming!”

September and October 2008 have witnessed exponential growth in Buganda bashing and overt discrimination against Baganda in jobs and government. Emails forwarded to this columnist from Internet discussion groups such as UgandansAtHeart and UNAANET spew increasingly hostile verbal attacks against Baganda.  The worst abuse comes from Banyankore, Bakiga and Banyarwanda. And some comes from Museveni’s Baganda agents. Some political analysts attribute the anti-Baganda surge to the massive spending by President Museveni. He spent millions to kill the Buganda Independence celebrations and to muzzle the so called Mmengo radicals. He has also allocated a few hundred thousand dollars to keep control over the UNAA Convention in Chicago and to kill Ttabamiruka ’09 in Boston.

The story told by one Semakula (other names omitted on request) in an email to this columnist illustrates the extent of the hatred against Baganda. Semakula went for a job interview earlier in October. When it was the turn of one Munyankore member of the interview panel, he skipped the questions and simply told off Semakula. In Semakula’s words, “He abused me and asked me why I don’t go to Kabaka to employ me; and he assured me that there was no job for me. I got paralyzed but prayed to God that may be some day we shall liberate ourselves.”

Baganda have been pushed against the wall by experiences such that of Semakula above; that is why they now are openly telling their tormentors and their collaborators that payback time may be around the corner. When the organizers of Ttabamiruka ‘07 disowned occupation collaborators Kintu Musoke, Tamale Mirundi and Aisha Kabanda, they were saying, “It’s payback time collaborators.” When Dick Kasolo and Baganda youth’s pulled the microphone away from Kahinda (The Ugly) Otafiire at the funeral of late MP Winnie Makumbi, the new Muganda was saying, “It’s payback time tormentors.” When Apollo (Bampaane) Nsibambi was stopped from addressing mourners at the funeral services for late Haji Sulaiman Kiggundu, the same new Muganda was warning, “It’s payback time, showoff guy.”

The new Muganda is not letting up. During the October 11, 2008 edition of the CBS FM Radio program Mambo Baado, Baganda youths in the audience chased away Museveni’s RDC for Mpigi, Katenda Luutu, because “he is part of the government that stopped Kabaka Mutebi from going to Nakasongola.” This act shocked Museveni so much that he instructed Kale Kaihura, the inspector of Uganda police, to interrogate Ssozi Kaddu Mukasa and establish what really happened. And Katenda Luutu’s security has been beefed up.

The latest dramatic “payback time” message from the new Muganda was delivered on October 17, 2008 in Kiwatule, near Ntinda. That is where Muluuli Mukasa, Museveni’s former security minister and front man on Buluuli lives. Earlier in the week, Baganda residents of the area, led by Kabaka’s village chief (not the same as Museveni’s LC 1), had delivered a letter to Mukasa Muluuli’s home. The letter summoned him to attend an October 17, 2008 meeting and defend himself against “rumors” that he was involved in stopping Kabaka Mutebi from visiting Nakasongola. Mukasa Muluuli did not come but sent a message that he was out of town but would meet them as soon as he returned. In the meantime though, this columnist has learnt from a reliable Uganda government source that Mukasa Muluuli is scared and has requested Museveni  for more security, starting with getting him a car. He cites newspaper reports that quoted the villagers as saying, “We don’t want Muluuli Mukasa to live among us when some of the villagers view him as an enemy, especially considering that he regularly travels at night on foot or by taxi through the village.”

Baganda have a proverb, “Ebibimba bikka” (“Whatever goes up come down”). This columnist argues that  President Museveni started coming down in 1998, the day he started his campaign to grab Buganda land through the Land Act which Baganda heavily protested.  That is when he started genuine loss of support among Baganda. He started the bashing as a defensive move against Baganda resistance but now it has produced this new Muganda. The new Muganda is on his way to become ungovernable by outsiders like Museveni. And the new Muganda is starting to quietly say, “Payback time” to Museveni’s collaborators. The big question is: Will all Baganda bashers be able to ask for protection from Museveni like Muluuli Mukasa? Why not simply stop the senseless Baganda bashing?