PRESS RELEASE

Uganda: Troops Killed Unarmed People in Riot Period
No Lethal Force Necessary in at Least 13 Fatal Shootings

(Kampala, October 1, 2009) – The Ugandan government should immediately order an independent investigation into the killing of unarmed persons during and after riots in Kampala on September 10 and 11, 2009, Human Rights Watch said today.

A Human Rights Watch investigation found that at least 13 people were shot by government forces in situations where lethal force was unnecessary. The Minister of Internal Affairs reported to parliament that 27 people had died during the riots and that seven were uninvolved in riot activity.

“Shooting in self defense is one thing, but we found that some soldiers shot at bystanders and shot through locked doors,” said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The government needs to put an impartial investigation in motion now.”

The riots in Kampala, Uganda’s capital, began on September 10, when police blocked a delegation representing the Buganda kingdom from visiting Kayunga district. The cultural king of Buganda, known as the kabaka, was planning to visit Kayunga for National Youth Day two days later. The visit was opposed by leaders of the Banyala ethnic group in Kayunga, who reject the kabaka’s authority. The kabaka’s supporters took to the streets to protest the police action, and violence began soon afterward.

Sources at Kampala’s main hospital, Mulago, indicate that 88 victims of the violence were admitted for treatment over this period, most for gunshot wounds. Victims were taken to other hospitals as well. According to the minister of internal affairs, at least 846 people were arrested for alleged crimes committed during the riots, and the arrests continue. At least 24 of the alleged rioters have been charged with terrorism for destroying government property, and many others have been charged with unlawful assembly and inciting violence.

During and after the unrest, Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 50 victims and their family members, witnesses, doctors, and local and senior government officials. On-the-ground research was conducted into the circumstances surrounding the violence in the Kampala neighborhoods of Nateete, Kasubi, Busega, Ndeeba, Bwaise, Bunga, the Salaama Road at Nakinyuguzi zone, and in Mpigi town.

Human Rights Watch investigated several fatal and non-fatal shootings by security forces on September 10 and 11 that raise serious questions about the level of force employed in response to the riots. In a number of cases throughout the city, there is strong evidence that security forces shot individuals who were not threatening them or others.

This challenges statements by some government officials that live ammunition was only fired into the air to clear the streets of protesters.

However, President Yoweri Museveni, addressing parliament on September 10, after the riots broke out, contended that “initially police acted slowly” in response to the unrest. “Looters,” he said, “will be shot on sight, as will those who attack civilians.”

Human Rights Watch said that investigations should look into the circumstances of the rioting and into how to improve policing during demonstrations. Thus far, there is no clear evidence to support the contention of some Ugandan government officials that the Kampala riots were organized in advance. The Buganda kingdom government has denied any role in organizing the riots. Some rioters do appear to have employed parallel tactics, such as burning tires to block roads in several areas of the city, especially on the afternoon of September 10.

Human Rights Watch urged the police and other security forces to abide by the United Nations Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials. The principles call upon law enforcement officials, including military units responding to national emergencies, to apply nonviolent means before resorting to the use of force, to use force only in proportion to the seriousness of the offense, and to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable to protect life. The principles also provide that governments shall ensure that arbitrary or abusive use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials is punished as a criminal offense under their law.

“Much of the attention has focused on the politics surrounding recent events,” said Gagnon. “But the real tragedy is that families have lost loved ones in entirely unnecessary circumstances. They deserve to see justice done.”

Violence and the Response

Human Rights Watch found that in the early stages of the demonstrations on September 10, some protesters resorted to violence in some areas of Kampala, burning at least five cars, one passenger bus, and one delivery truck, blocking some main roads with burning tires and debris, looting shops, and throwing rocks at police and members of the armed forces. In Nateete, protesters burned a police station. In Bwaise, a factory was set on fire. No one was reported injured in either fire, and local hospitals did not report any burn victims. Police, some in riot gear, used teargas in several areas of the city.

Uganda’s inspector general of police (IGP), Maj. Gen. Kale Kayihura, told Human Rights Watch that military police and the army’s Presidential Guard Brigade were deployed under his orders to support the police beginning at around 4 p.m. on September 10, and that infantry soldiers were deployed in support shortly thereafter. Kayihura said that these units fired live ammunition into the air to scatter rioters.

Human Rights Watch’s research indicates that the security forces faced some situations in which the use of firearms may have been warranted. One witness described seeing a rioter steal a civilian security guard’s gun near Kampala Bus Park on September 10 and shoot a policeman in the leg. Kayihura provided two other instances, in Nateete and Sseta, where rioters fired on the security forces. It remains unclear if anyone was injured in those two instances, and those events were not investigated by Human Rights Watch.

Kayihura told Human Rights Watch that, while all government forces had been ordered to use minimum force, non-lethal options such as rubber bullets and pepper spray are not standard issue in all police posts. He claimed that the security forces had few alternatives to shooting live ammunition into the air. Other knowledgeable sources in the police told Human Rights Watch that the police stocks of tear gas had run low and that officials feared they lacked the means to secure the city without using firearms.

Where Lethal Force Was Not Necessary

However, among the episodes that raise serious questions about the use of force, in Bwaise on September 10, local people gathered to observe the fire brigade fight a fire set by rioters earlier that afternoon. An army armored personnel carrier drove by the crowd and the troops on board fired, striking Hussein Mujuuka in the back of the head and killing him instantly. At least 10 others were wounded by the gunfire. Several witnesses told Human Rights Watch that local residents responded by burning tires along the Bwaise-Kampala Road. They said that shootings by the military continued during the evening hours in Bwaise and that many other people were wounded. Deaths from military gunfire also occurred the same day in Kawempe, Nakulabye, Mulago, and the Ndeeba areas of Kampala.

Security forces using live ammunition caused many injuries and at least six deaths on September 11. Witnesses and victims told Human Rights Watch that most Kampala communities were trying to return to normal business after the previous day’s unrest. However, soldiers heavily deployed both on foot and in armored personnel carriers in some areas of the city fired live ammunition. There is evidence in some instances that they deliberately shot and killed or wounded people who were not actively involved in demonstrations or unrest.

For example, military units, some accompanied by police forces deployed in Ndeeba that morning, apparently ordered people on the roads to return home. Over several hours, soldiers shot and killed one person and seriously wounded two more. In each case, the victims were shot after they had entered their homes or workplaces. Witnesses said that soldiers apparently pursued people several hundred meters from the main roads and fired their weapons through locked doors. However, no official curfew had been imposed.

Kinaalwa Sseddulaaka Jackson, the owner of a dry cleaning shop about 100 meters from the Masaka road in Tomusange zone, Ndeeba, hid in his back storage room and locked the back door when an army armored personnel carrier entered Ndeeba and soldiers on board began shooting. A few minutes later, a uniformed soldier walked through the area and fired his AK-47 through Sseddulaaka’s back door, killing him instantly. Human Rights Watch researchers saw two bullet holes in that door, as well as five other bullet holes in doors and walls in the neighborhood. All were in the lower half of the doors and walls.

Soldiers and police also deployed around Nateete market that morning, closing the main gate even though the market was filled with food vendors and customers. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that uniformed soldiers, some wearing the red berets of the military police, began to attack people with sticks and batons, and ordered them to clear the streets and return home. Several women selling matoke (plantains) showed Human Rights Watch large contusions and bruises from having been beaten while trying to flee.

The witnesses said that the soldiers then began firing their weapons, both in the air and into the crowds. One customer was killed and another wounded. One female vendor showed Human Rights Watch where she had been grazed by a bullet on her hip, requiring medical treatment. Human Rights Watch saw three bullet holes in the market walls and three others through its iron roof sheeting.

In Busega, an area dense with open-air shops and stalls, soldiers shot and killed two people in separate incidents that morning. Residents and officials reported that on the previous day, rioters in the area had blocked roads with fires and demanded money from those trying to enter Kampala by car. Rioters had looted a Coca Cola truck and burned it. The situation calmed by 7 p.m. that day, and the shops along the road had reopened. Witnesses said the area had remained calm the next morning until a military armored personnel carrier and military and police trucks drove through, in some cases telling people to clear the streets and return home. The shops closed quickly when soldiers in the personnel carrier began firing live bullets, but 13-year-old Daoudi Ssentongo was struck in the head and killed inside his family’s shop when a bullet ripped through a refrigerator next door. His death triggered more demonstrations, and members of the community tried to block the personnel carrier from re-entering the area by burning debris in the road.

Near where the youth died, soldiers on foot chased people away from the main roundabout, evidently to arrest or deter rioters. Soldiers pursued several young men who ran away. Ronald Kasagga, who supplied ice to the area’s fish vendors, was fatally shot in the chest at close range by a soldier. Witnesses said that the soldier yelled “Stop!” and that when Kasagga turned around, the soldier fired.

Around 11 a.m. on September 11 in Kasubi zone 4, rioters had been taunting nearby soldiers and throwing rocks near a gas station on the main road, witnesses said. When the soldiers pursued them, they ran up the hill, past the home of Stella Kabasinguzi, who had left her house briefly, seeking bread for her three children. The soldiers approached her home, and Kabasinguzi immediately raised her hands in the air. A soldier shot her, in front of her children. She died on the way to the hospital. Human Rights Watch observed three bullet holes through doors in other homes in zone 4, more than 100 meters from the main road where riots had occurred. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that a soldier on foot demanded that people go inside their homes, and shot through the doors when some hesitated.

Throughout the city on September 11, soldiers and police threatened and beat people to obtain information about the whereabouts of alleged rioters. A woman making tea outside her restaurant in Ndeeba was questioned by a uniformed soldier carrying an AK-47. According to several people interviewed separately, when she did not have answers to his questions, he poured the hot tea on her back. He then stuck the gun barrel into her mouth and demanded to know where rioters were hiding. She escaped only after bystanders diverted his attention.

Nile Broadcasting Services broadcast video of police and military patrolling areas on September 11, beating people sitting and standing near their homes in Kazo and throwing them into the backs of police trucks. The authorities did not request names or identity documents before arresting them. In one instance, when a man protested being forcibly removed from his home, he was beaten repeatedly. Police took truckloads of suspects to Kawempe police station. Human Rights Watch researchers observed similar actions on Salaama Road that afternoon.

On September 10, government officials told television stations to stop broadcasting live pictures of the violence. In some instances, government forces forcibly removed video footage from TV stations, appropriated journalists’ cameras and videotapes, and deleted photographs of dead bodies. Some journalists were beaten attempting to report on the unfolding events. The state-owned newspaper, The New Vision, inaccurately reported that mobs had on September 11 burned two people to death in Ndeeba. Local officials from Ndeeba and other knowledgeable sources informed Human Rights Watch that no rioters had burned people, but The New Vision has yet to issue corrections.

The Police Explanation

Police Inspector General Kayihura told Human Rights Watch that the police lacked capacity to respond to the speed and geographical breadth of the events of September 10. Unrest in previous years had centered on Kampala’s Central Business District and had not extended into the populous residential neighborhoods. He said that Uganda’s military police, the Presidential Guard Brigade, and regular army units had both the equipment and the mobility to respond to the unrest. He said that the military police, like the civilian police, have had training in riot control, and that the armored personnel carriers were deployed to help move units around the suburbs where riots were taking place. He said the Ugandan military possesses four of these vehicles – two Gila and two Mamba anti-riot vehicles, which can also be used for “fighting terrorism and insurgency.”

Kayihura said that seven of the 27 reported killed during the riots were not involved in the riots at the time of their deaths, and that they were hit by “stray bullets.” He told Human Rights Watch that the deaths were unfortunate and regrettable, but that the security forces had shown restraint in their response to the unrest. He said that two policemen had been arrested for shooting in the air in Kasubi (the arrests appear unrelated to the death of Kabasinguzi). He said that investigations would be conducted into the circumstances of all the deaths during the riots, but also cited section 69 of Uganda’s penal code, which states that police may use “all such force as is reasonably necessary for overcoming” a riot and police “shall not be liable in any criminal or civil proceeding for having, by the use of such force, caused harm or death to any person.”

According to statements quoted in The New Vision newspaper by the army spokesman, Lt. Col. Felix Kulayigye, military units were deployed under article 209(b) of the constitution, which states that the Ugandan People’s Defence Forces shall “cooperate with the civilian authority in emergency situations” and that once deployed, they act under orders of the inspector general of police.” Kulayigye contended that the situation was “a war” and that the riots had had “genocidal tendencies.” He placed blame for the deaths on the alleged organizers of the riots, but admitted that “the moment the bullet leaves the barrel, anything could happen beyond there.”

Human Rights Watch is deeply concerned that Kulayigye’s statement might encourage members of the security forces to use unnecessary and unlawful lethal force during future encounters with demonstrators.

Museveni told an emergency session of parliament on September 15 that the government will compensate those who lost their properties and vehicles, and it will also assist those who lost family members.

Recommendations

Human Rights Watch urged the government of Uganda to take the following actions:

• Publicly acknowledge and condemn recent shootings of unarmed people by members of the security forces.
• Undertake an independent and impartial investigation into the actions of all soldiers and police alleged to have perpetrated human rights abuses during the September riots. Prosecute those against whom there is sufficient evidence in accordance with international fair trial standards.
• Issue clear public instructions to all government forces involved in policing to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable to protect human life.
• Seek out non-lethal options for police and military responding to demonstrations and protests, and ensure those options are standard issue for police stations.

Human Rights Watch urged donors to the Ugandan government, especially members of the Partners for Democracy and Governance Working Group, to take the following actions:

• Publicly express concern about human rights abuses committed by members of the military and police during the September riots.
• Urge government leaders to hold accountable, in accordance with international fair trial standards, members of the security forces implicated in human rights violations.
• Support the police in acquiring non-lethal options for riot response and ensure that relevant personnel from the police and military receive adequate training.

Background

The role of cultural royalty such as the kabaka in Uganda has been the source of debate historically. President Milton Obote outlawed all cultural leaders in 1966, but Museveni permitted them to return in 1995. Under the constitution, cultural leaders are barred from politics, but they still wield influence over their communities. The kabaka is the king of the Baganda people, the largest ethnic group in Uganda and a key constituency in the upcoming 2011 elections. Since independence, some Baganda political leaders have argued that the Buganda kingdom should be a federal state within Uganda.

Accounts from Victims and Witnesses of Shootings during Recent Kampala Riots

“It was 9 a.m. when I was returning from the village where we buried my friend Deo, who was shot and killed in Ndeeba on Thursday during the riots. When I arrived back to town, I saw a group of soldiers and men in civilian clothes with guns and sticks walking along the road. I ran to the other side of the road and to find a place to hide. The soldiers began to hit us with batons and kick us. They were beating other people in the road as well. I ran away and noticed I had a cut on my head from the baton, and I was bleeding. My friend and I went off the main road and hid by locking ourselves into a storage room near a friend’s shop. We heard the soldier’s footsteps and then he yelled, “Open the door!” I said, “But if we come out, you are going to beat us again.” He said, “You think bullets cannot reach you in there?” Then he fired his gun through the door. A bullet hit the inside of my arm and then entered my stomach and I fell down.”
- Gunshot victim in Ndeeba, September 11

“Things were calm in Mpigi that day. We heard about what was happening in Kampala and someone had lit two tires on fire, but the cars could pass. Faisal and I were standing on the veranda. The soldiers came in a government vehicle and started caning people. One soldier came carrying a stick and a gun. He threw the stick at a boy and then got out the gun. He pointed the gun towards us, and then fired at us two times. I ran and hid at a house nearby. And later, someone said that a man was killed. A bit later, I learned it was Faisal. He had been shot in the neck.”
- Witness to killing of Faisal Bukenya, September 10

“On Friday morning, I saw the boys throwing a few rocks at the soldiers, and then the soldiers started shooting in their direction. Eventually the soldiers rounded up a group of boys and held them at the petrol station. The soldiers were forcing the boys to jump up and down as punishment for throwing rocks. When they tried to move the group of unruly boys, some scattered and the military began shooting at them again. The woman with the three children was killed just then.”
- Witness to the killing of Stella Kabasinguzi, September 11

“She was just on the steps of her home on Friday morning. She had gone to collect some bread for the children. When she saw the soldiers, she threw her hands in the air, but he fired right at her and she fell. He was standing just a bit down from her.”
- Another witness to the killing of Stella Kabasinguzi, September 11

“I was here in the market, selling matoke on Friday morning around 8 a.m. Suddenly, the military came in and started beating people, telling everyone to leave the market. Even the security officer for the market was hit by batons from them. They even beat me very hard on the buttocks, while I was trying to run away. Some of them stole the money I had on the ground. Others started shooting into the market and a boy was hit and a man was killed.”
- Witness to killings and shooting in Nateete, September 11

List of fatal shootings investigated by Human Rights Watch
On September 10

1.            Hussein Mujuuka, shot through the eye by military in personnel carrier, in Bwaise

2.            Robert, Congolese national, shot by military near Qualicell Building in Kampala Bus Park

3.            John Bosco Kaagwa, shot in the back by military near Nakulabye trading center

4.            Ssadam Katongole, shot in the chest by the military at “Kubirri” – Mulago roundabout

5.            Deo Lutaaya, shot in Kabuusu by military in personnel carrier, near Petrol City, on Masaka Road

6.            Muganga Huzairu, shot in the abdomen in Nateete; died at Mulago hospital

7.            Faisal Bukenya, shot in the neck by a soldier in Mpigi Town

On September 11

8.            Ronald Kasagga, shot in the chest by military on foot near Busega roundabout

9.            Kinaalwa Sseddulaaka Jackson, killed by military on foot in Tomusange zone, Ndeeba

10.        Mustaifa Basajjabalaba, shot by military in Kitaka zone, Kibazo road, Busega

11.        Daoudi Ssentongo, killed by military in Busega roundabout

12.        Stella Kabasinguzi, killed by military in zone 4, Kasubi

13.        Customer shot by military in Nateete Market

Other deaths:

14.        Kakooza Hussein, beaten by the police in Nakamiro zone, Kazo, on September 11; died on September 17

Other fatal shootings reported in the media:

15.        Unnamed private security guard working for Saracen Security Company

16.        Patrick Kaijamurubi, military police, from Masindi, killed by a stray bullet shot by another military policeman while Kaijamurubi was fixing tire on his vehicle in Ndeeba

17.        Geoffrey Andama, high school student, shot at Shop Rite Supermarket, near the Clock Tower junction

18.        Benjamin Atere, 2 years old, died from gunshot on Mawanda Road in Mulago

19.        Frank Kafuma, sustained gunshot wounds at Nabweru in Kawempe division, died in Mulago

20.        Yawe Wesige Mukama, shot in Kawempe
To view a slide show of photos from the Kampala riots and their aftermath, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/features/uganda-riots

For more Human Rights Watch reporting on Uganda, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/africa/uganda

For more information, please contact:
In New York, Jon Elliott (English, French): +1-917-379-0713 (mobile)
In New York, Georgette Gagnon (English): +1-212-216-1223; or +1-917-535-0375 (mobile)
In Kampala, Maria Burnett (English, French): +256-7

Justice Musoke Kibuuka has ordered the chief of Uganda police, military man Maj. Gen. Kale Kayihura, to produce Jane Nakambugu, a 14 year old Muganda girl who was abducted from her home by a police woman on September 1, 2009.  The order requires Kayihura to produce Nakambugu in court by September 24, 2009.

According to Jane’s parents, Yowasi Kalega and Esther Nakayiwa, their daughter was taken without explanation from her home in Kasana, Bulemeezi county, by a police woman and locked up at Kiwoko police station.

Jane’s parents told the judge that they followed their daughter and her abductor to Kiwoko police station to get the facts were told to come back after their daughter made a statement. They returned on September 3, only to be told that their daughter has been freed the day before. Suspicious of the police behavior, the distraught parents run to Justice Kibuuka’s court to plead for their daughter’s life.

It is not yet clear why the Kiwoko police, notorious among the locals for its high corruption, would abduct  a 14 year old child in a style that was fashionable during dictator Idi Amin’s regime. However, Nakambugu was a 4th grade student at Kiwoko Church of Uganda Primary School, where, as in many Buganda schools, children as young as 10 have learnt to  openly and aggressively express their ethnic identity and commitment to the Kabaka. Moreover, Nkoba za Mbogo, the main Baganda youth organization now boasts over 100,000 members in branches starting from primary schools through universities and professional ranks.

The Serumaga family has published a statement which describes in detail the events surrounding the abduction, torture and medical mistreatment of  popular Muganda journalist, Kalundi Serumaga, by Uganda’s  NRM government from September 11 through 15, 2009. According to the family statement, Robert Kalundi Serumaga was abducted by 5 armed men outside the studios of WBS TV, Spear House at about 11pm on Friday September 11, 2009. Robert had just left the studios where he had appeared on the Kibazo live discussion program. He was accompanied by his colleagues.

As they departed, Robert  was approached by the men, two of whom grabbed him by his trouser belt, and told him they were arresting him. He asked them who they were and they claimed to be responded police officers. One held up a piece of paper purposely to support their claim. They then immediately began to assault him.  Robert put up a fight until they threw him to the ground, after which they threw his telephones towards his colleagues.

Apparently, Robert fell unconscious thereafter and was dragged from the scene to De Winton Road where his attackers  bundled him in to the back seat of a waiting Toyota Mark II. He regained consciousness in the car as the men tried to undress him and remove things from his pockets.  The trip ended at the infamous Kireka JATT torture center where, next day, he was repeatedly slapped and punched by president Museveni’s operatives during questioning. In the meantime, Robert’s brother, Kizito Sserumaga searched all Police Stations in Kampala to no avail.

Kizito contacted the Irish Embassy for assistance, as Robert is a citizen of Ireland by birth. A concerted effort by the Serumaga family, involving the Irish ambassador to Uganda, TV stations and the Uganda Journalists Association, plus increasing awareness of the kidnap in the international media, convinced Mr. Museveni to produce Robert Serumaga. He was produced by the notorious CID officer, Jonah Kule on September 12, 2009. However, despite the sorry state of his health, Robert was put in a cell that day, without medical attention, where he was again physically assaulted.

Robert first got treatment on September 13, 2009, when the Police doctor, Dr Moses Byaruhanga, arrived took him to the International Medical Centre at KPC, under heavy guard. Later the Rwandese commander of Uganda police, Kale Kayihura, allowed Serumaga to be moved to Kampala International Hospital as the family wished. Earlier, Dr. Byaruhanga had insisted that Robert must only be admitted in the government’s dilapidated Mulago Hospital, where NRM opponents have been reportedly murdered by Mr. Museveni’s agents.

Contravening Mr. Museveni’s Uganda constitutional requirement that suspects be charged in court within 48 hours, Robert was produced at Buganda Road Magistrate’s Court on September 15, 2009. He was charged with 6 counts of sedition resulting from his remarks during the Kibazo program on WBS TV. He was granted bail and release shortly afterwards.

The Serumaga family also reveals that they took a photo (by cell phone) of one of Robert’s torturers when, at the International Medical Center when one of  Robert’s colleagues recognized him as one his original kidnappers. It a bizarre twist, after learning that someone in the Serumaga party had taken the photo, the police brought their video unit and filmed Serumaga and all his family and friends, in an apparent act of intimidation. The Serumaga family showed the torturer’s police commander Kale Kayihura explained that the man in question had, at the JATT torture center, inserted his thumbs and fingers in Robert’s eyes and attempted to gouge them out. He claimed not to know the man in the photo but said that he will be able to produce him if he is on the police force.

Below is a summary of specific demands that the Serumaga family statement concludes with (see more details):

1. They will not participate in investigations in the torture of Robert by the NRM government and its agents unless INTERPOL is involved.

2. They are unwilling for Robert to return to CPS or any other police station while suspected criminal elements are still employed and deployed there.

3.  They demand disciplinary action is taken against Mr Edward Ochom, of CID for attempting to send Robert to Mulago, which could compromise his safety.

4. They demand that disciplinary action is taken against the police’s Dr Moses Byaruhanga for unprofessional conduct.

5. They demand the investigation of the plainclothes policeman who filmed Robert’s children at Kibuli Police Station on September 15, 2009 and those who threatened Robert’s family on and September 12-13 outside CPS.

6. They demand the investigation of Simon Kuteesa’s role in the abduction and torture of Kalundi Robert Sserumaga.

7. They demand the immediate suspension and investigation of CID’s  Jonah Kule who was seen in deep conversation with the perpetrator who was photographed by the family.

The Serumaga family statement on the unlawful abduction and torture of their brother, son and father Robert, which they posted on the Ugandans At Heart blog is reproduced in full below:

RE: THE UNLAWFUL ARREST, TORTURE AND DETENTION OF KALUNDI ROBERT SERUMAGA ON FRIDAY 11^TH SEPTEMBER 2009 UNTIL TUESDAY 15^TH SEPTEMBER 2009

ABDUCTON

1. KALUNDI ROBERT SERUMAGA WAS ABDUCTED BY 5 armed men outside the studios of WBS television, Spear House at about 11pm on Friday 11^th September 2009. Robert had just left the studios where he had appeared on Kibazo on Friday, a discussion programme.

2. He was in the company of Kibazo, Bernard Tabaire, Charles Rwomushana and Mary Ikazi. The men approached him as their group broke up.

3. As they departed, Mr Sserumaga was approached by the men, two of whom took hold of him by the belt, and told him they were arresting him. He asked them who they were to which one responded police. He held up a piece of paper which may or may not have been an identity card, as he looked away. They then immediately began to assault him.

4. Mr Sserumaga put up a fight until they threw him to the ground. After that he threw his telephones towards his colleagues.

5. He then fell unconscious and was dragged from the scene to De Winton Road and was bundled in to the back seat of a waiting Toyota Mark II. He regained consciousness in the car as the men tried to undress him and remove things from his pockets. When he started demanding to taken to a police station, one of the men tried to cover his mouth, and another fight ensued. As he fought to resist them they punched him and gouged at his eyes with their fingers, and also bent his head backwards and choked him.

JATT/KIREKA 11^TH SEPTEMBER 2009

1. He was driven to Kireka and logged in to a book and put in a cell with 25 other men, mainly youth.

2. In the morning, a procession of guards came to the cell door and made all manner of threats to his life, and make sectarian insults to him, as well as the other prisoners. Finally the doors flew open and a tall well-built and well-dressed man in his mid-forties stood in the doorway and began to slap and punch him in the face while demanding answers.

3. This statement is supported by the medical examination carried out by Dr M. Galukande at International Medical Centre, KPC building on 13^th and International Hospital, Kisugu between 13^th and 15^th September 2009.

4. Kizito Sserumaga searched all Police Stations in Kampala from that time to 3 am to no avail.

CENTRAL POLICE STATION 12^TH SEPTEMBER 2009

1. Kizito contacted the Irish Embassy as Robert is a citizen of Ireland by birth. We went to Central Police Station (CPS) where we were told he was not there and his whereabouts were unknown. We made a public appeal via NTV outside CPS and we were surrounded by 5 armed soldiers in red berets and two plainclothes men. We immediately made another appeal at a Press Conference organized by UJA. During that conference, the Irish Embassy informed us Robert was being transported to CPS after which we went back to CPS. We found Kalundi Robert Sserumaga in the custody of Jonah Kule, O/C CID, at CPS. He was being held handcuffed with two other gentlemen, both Local Councillors from Makindye Division area. They had been tricked out of their houses at night on the pretext that there was a disturbance in the area, and then bundled in to a van at gunpoint and taken to Kireka.

2. We immediately asked that Robert be allowed medical attention. Kule insisted on waiting from instructions but that we would be able to do so. Later we were informed Robert was going to be released after i). WBS deposited a film of the Kibazo on Friday broadcast with CPS, ii) that Robert make 2 supplementary statements and iii). that he provide 3 sureties. These conditions were met. After the process of providing the sureties, Kule suddenly ordered us all out of the room, including Ernest Kalibbala the lawyer and then informed Robert that he had orders from above to return him to the cells.

3. We escorted Robert to the ground floor. After that the police physically pushed us out of the station entrance and down the stairs while brandishing sticks. Those of us already outside were threatened by the armed soldiers seated along the wall, numbering over ten and the man in plain clothes from earlier who was carrying a stick.

4. 13^th SEPTEMBER 2009 We returned to CPS where Robert was now without shoes and had still not received medical attention. He had tried to inform a woman officer -one Commissioner Ayisu- in CID that he had been assaulted at which she laughed and said it was impossible. Mr Simon Kuteesa, Head of Media crimes informed us that he does not put people in car boots. He received a telephone call in our presence and said in our hearing that the prisoner ‘did not look too bad’. The entire time, there were two mambas, outside the station, countless men in plainclothes carrying sticks and whips, people in police uniform carrying sticks.

5. In the afternoon, we telephoned John Nagenda, Media Adviser to the President. We informed him that the story had broken in the international media and that we were going to continue to campaign for Robert’s release. Mr Nagenda was at that point was aware of the abduction but not of the torture. He arranged for us to meet Major General Kale Kayihura, Inspector General of Police. Mr Kayihura informed us the Irish ambassador had spoken to him and asked us what we wanted. We said our first priority was medical attention for Robert. Secondly we were formally complaining about being physically assaulted and ejected from CPS. Mr Kayihura telephoned Mr Ochom, Director CID, CPS and instructed him to have Robert examined at a hospital of our choice and admitted at a hospital of our choice if necessary. IGP Kayihura also telephoned Mr Sorowen the officer in charge of CPS and instructed him to ensure there was no humiliation of suspects and their relatives and the public generally. IGP summoned Mr Ochom and instructed him to implement everything agreed in that meeting and to ensure Robert was taken to a hospital of his choice immediately. He called in on Johnson Karugaba of the Professional Standards Unit to investigate our complaints. We then returned to CPS.

MEDICAL ATTENTION

1. After the Police Surgeon, Dr Moses Byaruhanga arrived, we traveled to International Medical Centre at KPC, under guard. There was an attempt to make Robert travel without shoes in order to humiliate him which we resisted. The armed and uniformed policemen sitting on the back of the pick-up truck and the plainclothes policemen became angry and said they would teach M. Serumaga a lesson (‘Tujja kukulaga enkola’.)

2. Dr Moses Galukande carried out the examination and the results are consistent with Robert’s description of the assault. He diagnosed concussion as Robert could not account for some time between the first onslaught and being bundled in to the car. He recommended observation, neurological tests and rest. Immediately Dr Byaruhanga stated that he had to be referred to Mulago Hospital. He said it was the law and that Mulago was ‘the national referral hospital’. When he insisted, Mary Serumaga tried but failed to telephone IGP, Kale Kayihura. She then telephoned Mr J. Nagenda who spoke to Dr Byaruhanga and told him there was no problem with admitting Robert at International Hospital Kampala as long as he was under guard. He said Government’s only reservation was that we should not expect them to pay the bills, which we accepted. Dr Byaruhanga still insisted that he needed to speak to Mr Ochom, Director CID. We refused to board the vehicles to be taken to Mulago Hospital, a government institution which we felt to be unsafe. Robert stated if they insisted on Mulago, he would prefer to retun to the CPS cells without any treatment. After nearly an hour Mr Ochom relented and allowed us to go to IHK.

3. 13^th September 2009 Robert was admitted at IHK at approximately, nearly 48 hours after he had been very seriously assaulted.

4. Dr Galukande diagnosed concussion and recommended neurological tests. We returned to CPS to collect Robert’s bags. Again, Kule introduced another condition. He wanted, Robert to sign a charge sheet before going to hospital. He also wanted his passport. We ignored both instructions as 48 hours had elapsed and the police were merely trying to legitimize their abduction of Robert Sserumaga. Eventually Kule gave in and we proceeded to IHK.

5. Robert was admitted to IHK at about 8.30pm where he underwent tests and had some bed-rest. He was escorted by over 5 armed soldiers to Kampala Hospital for a CT scan.

FORMAL CHARGES

1. Tuesday 15^th 2009 we were informed that Robert would be collected from the hospital at 10am to go to the Police for finger-printing and formal charging. Robert refused at first to co-operate because he wanted it to be acknowledged that he was being charged after 48 hours of detention had elapsed, i.e. he had been being held illegally.

2. Robert was produced at Buganda Road Magistrate’s Court and charged with 6 counts of sedition resulting from his remarks on Kibazo. The State opposed bail and was overruled by the Magistrate on the grounds that even if Robert were a flight risk, that could be cured by his depositing his passport with the Court. Also that because the validity of the sedition laws was being challenged in the Constitutional Court and it was not possible to try Robert immediately, he would grant bail.

3. We reported to IGP’s office that we were surrounded by ‘security operatives’ outside the court building eavesdropping on our conversations and stated we were holding IGP responsible for our continued security, and left the Court.

LEGAL AND MEDICAL COSTS AND SOLIDARITY

1. We would like to express our gratitude to the members of our communities and the public for your overwhelming support. The journalism profession has been a pillar of strength and has boosted our morale with their presence and their coverage.

2. We are grateful to Open Society, Uganda Journalists’ Association, and East African Journalists’ Association all of whom have offered to pay Kalundi Robert Sserumaga’s legal costs. We are grateful for the fact that his medical costs were covered in advance and without our knowledge. P. E. N. International Clifford Derrick Committee to Protect Journalists (S. Africa) have also expressed solidarity.

INVESTIGATION IN TO THE ABDUCTION AND TORTURE

1. During the time we were waiting for Dr Galukande’s report at IM Centre, Mary Ikazi spotted a man in a lavender jacket, white cap and dark glasses. He was carrying a long thin stick or car, that were commonly used by kiboko squad members during the rioting. He was short in stature, about 5ft tall. He was peeping through the window of IMC where he had been sitting with O/C CID, J. Kule. M. Ikazi froze and told us that he was one of the men who had abducted and assaulted Robert. Mary Serumaga photographed him with a cell phone. The plainclothes policemen with whom he was standing warned him that he was being photographed at which he covered his face with his lapels, turned his back and then they all scattered. One policeman returned and took photographs of M. Serumaga and M. Ikazi. [The following Tuesday at Kibuli Police Station they filmed M. Serumaga and made close-up films of Robert's children in our view. This was an act of intimidation.]

2. 14 September 2009 at about 5.30pm we spoke to IGP Kayihura about the police brutality experienced by Robert Sserumaga. We thanked him for finally permitting the delayed medical treatment even though it required the intervention of the Ambassador of Ireland and other lovers of justice and peace before he acted. We showed him the photograph of the man who had inserted his thumbs and fingers in Robert’s eyes and attempted to gouge them out. We informed him the man had followed us to the International Medical Centre and only ran away after we had photographed him. IGP stated he did not know the man but he would investigate. At first he said he and all those in plain clothes carrying sticks were policemen, if so, he is able to produce this man.

3. We informed IGP that his instructions about the medical facility Robert should be allowed to access were countermanded by Dr M. Byaruhanga the Police Surgeon and Mr Ochom, Director CID at CPS. They preferred to discuss the matter with persons unknown to us. He seemed to express shock that such clear instructions could be changed.

4. We requested Interpol be asked to help locate the abductors, to which IGP responded he has no objection although he would prefer we work with Uganda Police in the matter. He assigned Assistant IGP, Mr J.M. Okoth Ochola, in charge of Special Duties to investigate the matter. We agreed with Mr Okoth Ochola that we would contact him after the court appearance.

5. 15^th September 2009, the same woman officer at CID who had refused to record Robert’s complaint of torture, telephoned him as he left court inviting him to make a statement.

THE WAY FORWARD

1. In view of the fact that the orders of Major General Kale Kayihura IGP are so easily countermanded by officers junior to him, receiving ‘orders from above’; that one of the offending officers (see paragraph 13 ) is now assigned to the investigating team; two officers Kule and Ayisu, have already dismissed the reports of assault as “impossible”, we decline to participate in the investigation unless Interpol is involved.

2. In any case we are unwilling for Robert to return to CPS or any other police station while suspected criminal elements are still employed and deployed there.

3. We demand disciplinary action is taken against Mr Edward Ochom, Director of CID at CPS for trying to ensure Robert was sent to Mulago where his safety would have been compromised. We demand to know from where above Kale Kayihura’s head, Mr Ochom was receiving instructions. As Director of CID at CPS where the kiboko squad move about freely and interact with senior officers and have meals in the police canteen, we hold Ochom responsible for the deployment of the kiboko squad to abduct, detain and torture Kalundi Robert Sserumaga.

4. We demand the same in regard to Dr Moses Byaruhanga who kept us at IM Centre for over 30 minutes while liaising on the telephone about sending Robert to Mulago. Although he was supposed to carry out his own examination, he did not and it appears his role was to ensure Robert was admitted to Mulago Hospital. He failed in that.

5. We demand the investigation of the plainclothes policeman who filmed Robert’s children at Kibuli Police Station on 15^th September 2009 and those who threatened Robert’s family on 12^th and 13 September outside CPS.

6. We demand the investigation of Simon Kuteesa’s role in the abduction and torture of Kalundi Robert Sserumaga. Kuteesa was instrumental in convincing us on 13^th September that Robert was going to be released for medical treatment in a few hours as long as he had three sureties and a passport. He then vanished at about 10pm before Kule said he had ‘orders from above’ to detain him further. Kuteesa has consistently acted in an unprofessional manner treating our complaints about torture as a joke. He too receives anonymous ‘orders from above’ and made a ‘phonecall assuring someone that Robert was not too badly injured even though he had no medical evidence. Simon Kuteesa is a callous and dangerous man.

7. We demand the immediate suspension and investigation of O/C CID, Jonah Kule who was seen in deep conversation with the perpetrator we managed to photograph outside IM Centre during Robert’s medical examination, Kule is in direct command of the kiboko squad and is a danger to all Ugandans.

0782199589

The End.

When, on September 16, 2009, Museveni invited all Buganda MPs to a Thursday meeting to discuss the impasse regarding Kabaka’s visit to Kayunga, he was considering denying opposition to the visit (see “Museveni May Blame Police and Minister For Bugerere Violence“).   By the time the meeting took place, Museveni had decided to confront the Kabaka and had grown so paranoid that the locked non-NRM Buganda MP’s out.

One source close to president Museveni’s state house has told us:  “Young and rich Balaalo, who fear to lose the billion of shillings they have looted in Uganda had worked through senior members of the Balaalo akazu (secret conclave) Caleb Akandwanaho (Salim Saleh), Janet Museveni and Elly Karuhanga to persuade Museveni to lower the tension with Mmengo. As late as Wednesday afternoon, Museveni considered blaming the brutal actions of Uganda police against Baganda youths in Kayunga on Kayihura’s men.”  However, the Uganda warlord continued to face pressure from strongly anti-Baganda Balaalo and Bayiru like David Tinyefuza, Kale Kayihura, Kahinda Otafiire and others, who wanted the Kabaka arrested.”

The situation was complicated on Wednesday when, Museveni, after 2 years of unsuccessful efforts, managed to get a telephone audience with Ssabasajja Kabaka.  According the Museveni’s own statement, the Kabaka was clearly unimpressed by the extreme importance the Ugandan ruler places on the title, “President of Uganda”. The unfriendly call left Museveni irate but probably did not change his thoughts about calling some type of truce.

The source says, however, that: “President Museveni panicked on Thursday late morning when he got intelligence reports that the violence that started after Kayihura barred Katikkiro Walusimbi from entering Bugerere was spreading to places as far as Masaka.  Even worse, it was being executed by fearless young Baganda, some as young as 13 years, in huge numbers. When he consulted some members of  the kazu, they were also panicking. When he called Janet Museveni, overseas at the time and very angry at the way Baganda had embarrassed her at UNAA, she told him that there was no choice but crash the Baganda rioters.” That is when Museveni made the final decision to stop Kabaka Mutebi.

Museveni formally announced that unless Mmengo held talks with Banyala and CBS radio stopped their negative campaign against the NRM and inciting the people against Police, Kabaka’s visit to Kayunga on Saturday could not take place. Reportedly, the Ugandan warlord did not sleep at all Thursday night but made another critical decision. He ordered that the Kabaka had to be stopped if he left his palace and live bullets were to be used on rioters.

It appears that Kabaka Mutebi’s advisors got wind of Museveni’s genocidal plans early enough to avert the potential bloodshed. By Friday mid-afternoon, the Buganda cabinet had made the decision that talking to Museveni’s person king (Sabanyala) was out of questions and Baganda blood could not be sacrificed to the NRM government, which seemed deranged.  Sources close to Mmengo could not provide more details about what went on in the Buganda cabinet up to the point of the official statement canceling the trip. However, according the Observer Newspaper (www.observer.ug), the wording and timing  of the Mmengo statement was highly influenced by fear that Katikkiro Walusimbi, who is little trusted by nationalist Baganda, could be harmed.

We can report that Museveni was in communication with people who are close to key Buganda government officials throughout the crisis. However, it is not known if any actual communication took place. Also, Museveni planted at least one informer among Mmengo officials, including in the Katikkiro’s convoy that was stopped at Sezibwa (details withheld to protect the sources).

In the meantime, a state of panic has taken root among the Balaalo community in Buganda. For many of them this the first time they came face to face with the prospect that Museveni does not have the capacity to protest them against the thousands of unemployed and angry young Baganda. Evidence of this panic includes the decision by Rwandese Balaalo, assisted by a foreign country, to volunteer to offer over 20 lorries to accompany Kabaka Mutebi to Kayunga. We have also received unconfirmed reports of an unusual number of Balaalo parents taking their children home from boarding schools on Saturday September 12, 2009.

We have learnt from highly reliable sources in  President Museveni state house apparatus that the Ugandan strongman may soon disown the brutal actions of Uganda police against Baganda youths in Kayunga.  According to an email message sent through an intermediary, the source says: “Ugandans are going to be surprised when Mr. Museveni will claim that he only learnt about the problems in Kayunga  on Tuesday or Wednesday. He also intends to attack people who claim that he has anything to do with the threatening letter that his minister Kirunda Kivejinja wrote, warning Kabaka not to go to Kayunga, in Bugerere county.”

Our source could not confirm when Mr. Museveni will make the public statements but speculated that he (Museveni) might do it when he meets MPs who come from Buganda on Thursday or Friday.  As for why Museveni plans to do this the source said: “Museveni has no choice this time. He fully understands that  he underestimated the Kabaka and Baganda on this issue of Bugerere. He also knows that he overestimated the influence that Katikkiro Walusimbi and his supporters still have on Kabaka Mutebi’s decisions. The only option he has, as a military man, is a tactical withdraw. And, based on his past behavior he may blame everything on  Kirunda and [Rwandese police commander]  Kale Kayihura.” The MPs are expected to ask Museveni to explain which his government is blocking Kabaka Mutebi from freely moving in Buganda simply because 22 people demonstrated with sigs that they don’t want him to visit without first consulting their leader, who happens to be an active member of the Uganda army.

In May 2009, the Aga Khan’s The Monitor newspaper printed a Uganda government sponsored story claiming that  Kabaka Mutebi postponed his planned  tour of Kayunga, in Bugerere county, due to fear that Banyala residents might demonstrate against him (see “Kabaka Will Visit Bugerere When Youths Are Home “).  This writer established at the time that the true reason was because Kabaka was traveling to Europe on official duties.  Due to conflict with another tour of Buvuma in July/August, the Bugerere trip was finally rescheduled to start on September 12, 2009.

Since Monday, the Uganda police, under the command of Rwandese refugee Kale Kayihura, has obstructed Baganda youth trying to prepare the site for Kabaka’s main ceremonies at Kayunga. They even fired teargas canisters into the car of  Mengo officials who had gone to Kayunga to oversee  the preparations. The Police also kidnapped Baganda youths who were erecting stalls and held them incommunicado for a day. Earlier, a Musoga minister in Museveni’s government, Kirunda Kivejinja wrote to Mmengo, warning that the Kabaka should not go to Bugerere without the agreement of one Baker Kimeze, the Museveni appointed first king “Bunyala”. Museveni created the pseudo kingdoms of Buruli and Bunyala within Buganda, in direct contradiction of his own Uganda constitution, which does not recognize ‘subkingdoms’ within Buganda.

Despite Museveni’s threats and brutal police actions, Kabaka Mutebi instructed his trusted officials like, David Mpanga, Lubega Ssegona, Betty Nabooze, Kabuuza Mukasa and several others, especially in Nkoba za Mbogo, to spearhead “Operation See You in  Kayunga”.   Through these ‘warriors” Kabaka Mutebi informed his subjects that he was determined to go to Kayunga and not allow a repeat of what happened in Buruli.  According to information from the operational command post, headed by Betty Nambooze,  tens of thousands of Baganda are expected to descend on Kayunga on Saturday, based on contacts with Gombolola and Miruka chiefs across Buganda. President Museveni’s internal security organization has informed their boss of these facts. The main reason why Museveni is backing down is because he has no confidence that his police can handle the situation if they try to stop the Baganda.

There are signs that a still unknown group could be getting training and carrying out terror operations in Buddu county, reportedly in demand for Buganda Federo.  Since January 2009, the group has harassed or killed over 50 people around Kyanamukaaka, Kyesiiga, Kiziba, Mutondo, Bisanje and surrounding areas in Kabaka’s Buddu county.  According to local residents, the group previously dropped leaflets in the area warning area MP and Museveni confidant, Edward Sekandi, to resign as MP and speaker of parliament if he cannot support Federo for Buganda. According to reports, the victims tend to be either Banyankore or Banyarwanda, even though some use Kiganda names.

The affected areas are generally along the Masaka to Mutukula road.  Since 2006, these areas have reportedly seen an influx of money, believed to be from either Uganda government or Rwandese sources, to enable Banyarwanda to buy huge pieces of local land. In mid 2008, violence broke out when a Rwandese national bought 1.5 square miles of settled land from a Muganda and started evicting Baganda bibanja (plot) holders, making them homeless. There is a high level of frustration and anger among Baganda, especially unemployed youths, about what they see as neglect and victimization by Mr. Museveni’s government in favor of foreigners.

Both the commander of Uganda police, Kale Kayihura, himself a Munyarwanda, and Edward Sekandi, the area MP, told the government New Vision newspaper on July 10, 2009 that the night killings are the work of criminal thugs. However, neither of them could explain why in many cases the killers, who mostly use machetes (pangas) leave behind easy to carry expensive property.

According to a source close to Mr. Museveni’s state house, the president first received intelligence reports over 1 year ago that Baganda might start an insurgency against government.  The source claimed: “Except if he is pretending and it is his own terror operation, president Museveni seems to be confused about how to face Baganda armed groups on Buganda territory. Given the extreme levels of corruption in the security organizations the intelligence reaching the President, especially about the loyalty of Baganda NRMs is often faulty and misleading. For example, it appears that many local Baganda in Masaka have a lot of information, which they are not sharing with the local DISO or police because they strongly disagree with Museveni on land and Kabaka issues. Some of these NRM officials are the ones who call Mambo Baado on CBS Radio and say, ‘Tukooye abasajja!’ (‘We are fed up with these people!’). Others also feel that Museveni is going and they now want to keep their distance”.

A  New York based Muganda analyst and thought leader thinks that Baganda need more information before getting excited about this so called Baganda insurgency for Federo. He explained: “First, the tactic of terrorizing civilians in the area which is supposed to benefits from a new war has Museveni’s fingerprints all over. Many Luwero veterans have publicly admitted that the NRA used staged ‘Obote murders’ in Bulemeezi and north Kyadondo to recruit unsuspecting relatives to fight for Museveni. Therefore, I would not be shocked if this is an NRM group created to terrorize Baganda in Buddu and to trap potential volunteers. But even if it is not Museveni, one still has to ask if this could not be Acholis, Rwandese or anti-Museveni Balaalo trying to once again ‘use’ Baganda as stepping stones.”

The analyst added: “Remember that in 1995 Museveni started a policy of cutting down all forests in Buganda, even Mabira. The job to carry out the policy was assigned to Bakiga to be supervised by Kahinda Otafiire and Salim Saleh. Most Ugandans mistakenly believed that the objective was just to make money from timber. Yes, Kahinda Otafiire, Saleh and even Mrs. Janet Museveni made millions of dollars from timber but to Yoweri Museveni, the key thing was to wipe out all possible training grounds for anti-NRM forces in Buganda. Why did Museveni leave the forests in southern Buddu untouched? If he did it intentionally for future covert operations or as a possible escape route, then there is a 75% chance that the Buddu insurgency is a Museveni ‘kiwaani’ (fake) to terrorize Baganda and trap his potential enemies. If it is not, we will find out soon enough.”

One of Sekanyolya’s most reliable sources in President Museveni’s security apparatus has confided that members of the president’s state house conned the Katikkiro of Buganda, to expose his dismal political skills and accelerate his demise. And the reason is that the M********** president of Uganda now wants to see Walusimbi fired since he has become irrelevant to his (Museveni’s) strategy to crush Buganda and Kabaka Mutebi.

According to the source, Ruhakana Rugunda and state house intentionally decided to “disorganize” Walusimbi when they lied to him that government security agencies had learnt of sinister plans against the Kabaka in connection with his planned trip to Nakasongola. The lie was delivered by someone whose name will not be revealed, to protect Sekanyolya’s sources. The statehouse operatives were pleasantly surprised when Walusimbi panicked. The source says, “He was very one dimensional about it. He only consulted his most trusted cabinet members, most of whom have the same outlook as himself. Then he decided to write to government, expressing fears about the safety of Kabaka Mutebi.”

Walusimbi fell into the trap right away and that is why Ruhakana Rugunda has been confidently telling the news papers that the Katikkiro was the first one to bring up security concerns. The state house boys could not believe their luck. The only problem is that Walusimbi had delivered himself so fast that they did not even have a reason to claim budget. Anyway, they quickly realized that they could make several million under the cover of having to fake the security problem that Walusimbi had bought. So they requisitioned several millions from the state house comptroller’s office to facilitate Mukasa Muruli, Mwogeza Butamanya, and a few Baluuli youth to fake a security risk situation. It is that fake security risk that Ruhakana Rugunda cited after he executed Museveni’s order not to allow Kabaka Mutebi to turn off the Gulu main Road and enter Nakasongola town.

Trapped by Museveni’s men, Walusimbi wasted critical time trying to secretly negotiate with Ruhakana Rugunda and Kale Kayihura while Buganda was anxiously waiting for bold leadership. It is not clear yet how Kabaka Mutebi saw through all the nonsense, decided to forget Walusimbi and took off for Buluuli on Tuesday morning. However, the Kabaka’s decision sent a strong message to Baganda all over the world that Walusimbi has successfully made himself irrelevant in the battle to save Buganda from destruction by Mueseveni and his NRM.

Sekanyolya’s Kampala based legal advisor supports the theory that Museveni is no longer interested in Walusimbi. He rhetorically asked Sekanyola over a couple of beers last Sunday, “What can Walusimbi offer Museveni now? He failed to shut down Nambooze and Lubega Sseggona, Museveni’s biggest annoyances. And he has no control over Bulange and most Baganda outside the NRM, especially the fearless youths, have no respect for him.”
 
The consultant told Sekanyolya that Walusimbi also made a huge blander to ignore the nationalistic Baganda in Europe and USA, where Museveni had hoped to use him to infiltrate and gain control over Ttabamiruka as well as consolidate control over the UNAA convention. He added, “The Kisubi old boy lacks the political skills that Kabaka Mutebi would expect from any Katikkiro and the shrewdness that Museveni had hoped for. So, ironically, Kabaka Mutebi and the M********** president of Uganda appear to agree on one thing, none of them seems to be interested in the services of Engineer JB Walusimbi.”

Moses Mwesigwa
(Mutabanii w’Omulokole)

In a move that could be the first indication that President Museveni of Uganda might be prepared to use physical force against the Kabaka of Buganda, on October 8, 2008, Uganda’s heavily armed anti-riot police ready with teargas stopped Kabaka Mutebi from visiting the Buluuli Ssaza (county) Headquarters in Nakasongola.  Kabaka Mutebi was scheduled to preside over the 46th Buganda Independence anniversary celebrations which this year had been planned for Buluuli County. Buluuli is one of Buganda’s 18 counties. And it is in Buluuli that, a few years ago, President Museveni created  an anti-Kabaka “new” kingdom headed by a “Sabaruli”. Museveni’s current Sabaruli is called Mwogezi Butamanya.

It is not clear when president Museveni gave the final order to stop Mutebi.  However, according to a Uganda  police source who spoke on condition that her name not be revealed, Mutebi  had to be blocked because President Museveni and his people were shocked by the huge crowds of Baganda and Baluuli which greeted Kabaka Mutebi in Kakooge and Migyera towns. And because of the unexpectedly strong extremely well received speeches which Mutebi made at Migyera. There, Mutebi warned his subjects, in a very tough tone, to keep a sharp eye on and reject those who want to create confusion and divide the people of Buganda. Telling them, “It is terrible that certain individuals are working hard to divide my people, after the impressive progress we have made towards unity.”

This reporter’s police source revealed that the possibility of stopping Kabaka Mutebi from celebrating Buganda’s independence in Buluuli has been discussed by Museveni and his men for a long time.  According to him, every passing year Mr. Museveni has been getting more frustrated that the crowds at Buganda’s October 8th independence celebrations  keep swelling and his own Uganda independence event on October 9th keeps shrinking.  That is why they agreed to help Butamanya and Mukasa Muruli, former Museveni’s minister, coach Baluuli youths to organize a fake demonstration against Mutebi’s presence in Buluuli. “Mukasa Muruli and the youths were supposed to make a lot of noise, even threaten Kabaka, to give the police a pretext to stop the ceremonies if it became necessary.“ The source identifies the key plotters to include Ruhakana Rugunda, Kale Kayihura , David Tinyefuza, Buganda, Alfred Bitwire, Magara of Rapid Response Unit and minister Freddie Ruhindi plus district chairman Wandira and  RDC Masekera.  Museveni and his state house staff have been frequent briefed consulted on strategy and key decisions.

In a statement, Mr. Museveni’s minister for security Dr Rugunda blames it all on Kabaka Mutebi. He claims that it is Katikkiro JB Walusimbi who first expressed fears about the safety of Kabaka Mutebi in Buluuli to government. Then he (Rugunda) had confirmed that the threat was real and serious and communicated it to Walusimbi. By press time, this reporter had not confirmed if Rugunda is, this time, telling the truth. The situation has been more confused by reports in a foreign owned, Uganda government censored local paper that JB Walusimbi along with Buganda Attorney General Apollo Mabuya met with Ruhakana Rugunda, Freddie Ruhindi and Kale Kayihura on Monday, where the Mmengo officials were ordered to call off Kabaka Mutebi’s trip to Buluuli.

If Walusimbi and Makubuya met Ruhakana and Kayihura as reported, it is clear that their meeting was made irrelevant by Mutebi when he bravery decided to drive to Buluuli, in a convey of 40 motor vehicles, some carrying mattresses and other presents for his impoverished subjects. Most Baganda are strongly opposed to the frequent and often secret meetings that Katikkiro JB Walusimbi holds with President Museveni and his point people.