Zakaria Kakumba

Nyendo – Masaka, Buddu

Luganda (Original)

Mwana waffe Ssemujju, tufunye ensisisi okuwulira nti olanze mu butongole nti oli mu FDC era kati otambulira ku bilagiro bya Mukiga Omuhororo Kiiza Besigye ne mukyala we ‘katula kebise buka’ Omulaalo Winnie.  Wadde simanyi kusoma luzungu naye mbadde nenyumiririza nnyo mu bigambo by’owandiika kubanga babinkyusiza bulungi abavubuka. Ate on’omugu w’eddalu bweyali tanaba kusalako radio yaffe, nga sikusubwa ne madamu ticha Nambooze ku Kiriza oba gaana. Nze awamu ne mukyala wange ffena otulese bubi nnyo, kubanga tubadde tumanyi nti oli musajja mugezi nnyo era omanyi ebyafaayo bya Buganda. Era nga omanyi nti banamawanga bonna okuva ku bazungu ku Muteesa I okutuuka ku Museveni ku Mutebi II balwaana kumalawo Buganda. Oyo Omukiga namwe abakozesa bukozesa nga kondomu era olunamala nga asuula mu kyolooni. Olowooza bwebinatuuka ku nsonga enkulu ennyo ez’ebyaama bya FDC Besigye oba Winnie Byanyima banabyogerako nga waliwo omuzirango Ssemujju?

Ssebo mutabani, eriso ly’omukulu, awaddugala wewalaba. Kyenva nkusaba wekube mu kifuba ogende mpola ku banamawanga. Ye ddala enjawulo wakati wa Museveni ne Besigye egenda kuba etya? Olowoza ba Seguya, Abu Mayanja, Kisekka nabo si bwebeewa Museveni mbu kubanga yali aleeta enkyukakyuuka ez’omoggundu? Mutabani bazaamu, senga Besigye awangula nga bwolowooza, emirimu ggyonna egy’amaanyi anagiwa ani? Oba tomanyi, kankubireko nti Abakiga bajja kwongera ku kyebalya naye omulyo era gujja kusigala mu be bugwanjuba. Ku bya Buganda, agenda kwegaana endagaano zonna nga Museveni bwakola kati. Kubanga ssenga Abaganda tufuna Federo eya 1962 ne mailo 9,000 tuba tujja kuyitawo nnyo. Teli munamawanga mu Uganda, abe Mukiga, Mulango, Munyoro oba Musoga, ayinza kukikkiriza. Wadde Omuganda nga Haji Nasser Sebagala senga awangula, tagenda kukiriza.

Bulijjo ffe tumanyi nti omutima gwo gusibira ku bya Buganda na Ssabasajja. Mutabani kyaali kiwaani? Anti wadde ffembi tuli basilaamu naye tukimanyi nti okugenda okukuwoowa n’omukyala omulala nga gw’olina kati mulwadde tolina zimujanjaba, biba bya Ekanya. Kituluma okuba nti luli obadde n’omulamwa ogwa nabaddala era nga nebwogwaako ekizibu okuva mu ba NRM tumanya ensonga. Kati omulamwa ggwo gufuuse ki okujjako okutendereza Omukiga Besigye? Bwebanakuba ebiyiso, onotugamba nti babikkubira Bakiga na Balaalo?

Katusabe Mungu akuwe emirembe era bwekiba kisoboka akuzibule amaaso, otegeere nti ebintu bya Uganda bya ‘lubaale mubbe’. Bano abasajja, nga ne Besigye mw’omutwaalidde, ba luganda abajja okunyaga Buganda. Bwebayomba mbu FDC oba NRM, tewemalaayo nnyo kubanga ‘ab’oluganda bita, bwebikonagana tebyatika’.

Ssabasajja Awangaale.

Notes and English Translations By Buganda Post Writers

On October 29, 2009 Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda, one of the most prominent pro-Buganda journalists in Uganda announced that he had joined FDC. Prior to the announcement, Mr. Ssemujju was known to be relatively independent of Ugandan political parties although he showed sympathy for FDC and JEEMA and openly opposed the NRM. For details of  Ssemujju’s announcement see “SSEMUJJU NGANDA: Why I have joined FDC” or visit the Observer website at www.observer.ug.

English

Our son Ssemujju, we were shocked to hear that you officially announced that you are FDC and will now take your orders from the Muhororo Mukiga Kiiza Besigye his Mulaalo ‘katula kebisse buka’ (‘sweet looking bitter pill’) Winnie.  Although I don’t know who to read English, I have been very proud of what you write because the young people here translate well for me. And before the mad man closed our radio station, I would never miss listening to you on the “Kiriza Oba Gaana” (”Take It Or Leave It”) program. You have left both me and my wife in a very bad situation because we were confident that you are an intelligent man who knows the history of Buganda. And that you know that foreigner, from the time of the British with Muteesa I to Museveni with Mutebi, are always fighting to take Buganda off the map. That Mukiga will also use you like condoms and afterwards throw you away in trash. Do you really think that when it comes to discussing sensitive FDC matters Besigye or Winnie Byanyima will do it in the presence of a Ngo clan member Ssemujju?

Son, the dirty part of an elder’s eye is what sees. That is why I am begging you to rethink your decision and go slow with these foreigners. Really, what is the big difference you expect between Museveni and Besigye? Son, think about it, if Besigye wins as you believe, who is going to get all the important jobs? In case you don’t know, let me tell you that Bakiga will eat more but, overall, everything will stay with the westerners. On Buganda issues, he will simply deny having signed any agreements as Museveni has done. Because, if Baganda get the 1962 Federo plus the 9,000 square miles they may develop very fast. No foreigner in Uganda, whether Mukiga, Langi, Munyoro or Musoga would allow it. Even if a Muganda like Haji Nasser Ssebagala wins, he will not allow it.

All along, we were sure that your heart is with Buganda and Ssabasajja Kabaka. Son, were we misled? That is because, though both of us are Muslims, we know that running to marry a second wife when you have money problems and your first wife is sick, is ridiculous. It pains us that up to now you had a clear agenda so that even if the NRM people gave you problems, the reasons would be clear. Now, what is you agenda except to praise and promote Besigye? And if they inject you with funny chemicals, will it be for Bakiga and Balaalo?

We shall pray to God to give you peace and, if possible, to open your eyes so you can understand that Uganda politics is a case of ‘lubaale mubbe’ (”the bag is empty”). These people, including Besigye, are all of one family and they came to ransack Buganda. Even when the fight over FDC or NRM politics, don’t get too involved because  ‘ab’oluganda bita, bwebikonagana tebyatika’ (”brothers are like wine gourds, when they knock each other they never break.”)

Ssabasajja Awangaale.

A tragic story is emerging concerning the health of Betty Nambooze, one of Kabaka Mutebi’s most loyal servants and probably the most important adovocate of Buganda’s rights, besides Ssabasajja himself. Sources at Entebbe airport tell us that this afternoon, a combined team of occupation forces including police, CMI and PGB pulled Nambooze off a flight to South Africa, where she was going to recieve emergency medical treatment. A leading New York based Buganda analyst has angrily told us: “Museveni, Kayihura, Bukenya and Tinyfuza have known for a long time that Nambooze’s life is grave medical danger. Even if they deny poisoning her, refusing her the best available medical care for political reasons is a clear crime against humanity. For that, they must pay.”

In what appears to have been an occupation government trick on the public, government owned Star FM reported on their 1:00 PM news that the police had cleared Nambooze to travel on medical grounds. Most Baganda went to lunch happy knowing that Madam Teacher was OK and were caught unawares when rumors started to pass that she was under arrest. Even by 3:00 most people did not know the truth.

To add to the confusion, Star FM also quoted Museveni warning that the NRM government would not allow “this woman Nambooze” to continue tell lies about it. We have not been able to confirm if Museveni is the one who ordered that Nambooze to be pulled of the phone. However, according to an SMS broadcast by Boston based MUSEVENIMUSTGO program, it appears that there is a coordinated plot to ensure that Nambooze never leaves Uganda. Apparently because, if she goes to a country with modern medical facilities, the poison which was injected into her on Seiko’s instructions might be discovered.

Nambooze’s health has recently deteriorated due to poor medical services in Mukono and what her doctors suspect to be a slow acting poison. For several years now, Betty Nambooze has told her CBS FM radio listeners that when she was arrested in Mukono for opposing land grabbing by Juma Seiko, the police forcibly injected her with a strange chemical.

Juma Seiko is an aide to Museveni’s half brother Caleb Akanwandeko (Salim Saleh). Seiko, who is from Sebei, is best known in Uganda inelligence circles for ruthlessly enforcing discpline in Saleh’s Congo War mineral looting operations during the 1990’s and, more recently, for overseeing his boss’ drug smuggling operations at Entebbe aiport. Seiko has a son in the USA, around 25-30 years, who is also clandestinely serving in Saleh’s criminal mafia.

A reliable sources close to president Museveni’s state house tells us that, before leaving for the September UN session in New York, the Ugandan warlord got Robert  Sebunya to reactivate a program that would use financially stressed Buganda royals to spy on or undermine Kabaka Mutebi. The source told us: “The president has been using Kabaka Mutebi’s uncle, Prince Simbwa to keep Ssabasajja off balance. However, Tamale Mirundi and Robert Sebunya advised him that other royals, either misguided or desperate for money, should be recruited. Tamale also recommended that recruitment of Balangira and Bambejja in the Diaspora might be the easiest because it is harder for Kabaka to track their activities. In fact, when His Excellency went to the USA in late September, a meeting with princes and princesses in Boston was put on his agenda. He did meet them in Boston as planned only because of the Baganda demonstrations.”  The source speculated that the money intended for the princes and princesses was probably left with Ruhakana Rugunda, “since he is more in tune with how Ugandan things work than Kamunanwire in Washington DC.”

Our source explained that the campaign is getting accelerated with assistance from Robert Kabushenga who is launching a media blitz where negative and contradictory stories on Buganda royals will appear in Bukedde, New Vision and  the Monitor, to demoralize Baganda and Kabaka Mutebi. Some stories will talk positively about Kabaka Mutebi while others will question his legitimacy. And others will show that there are divisions within the Buganda royal family. Yet others will claim that the Kabaka and Museveni now like each other.

The source explained: “The period between now and December, when huge numbers of Baganda come for Christmas, is critical to Mr. Museveni. Expect him to use it to keep Kabaka and Mmengo confused with a barrage of mixed messages, including friendly but fruitless negotiations, public abuses, court cases against Nambooze and Lubega Sseggona, making impossible demands on CBS Radio and maintaining confusion around Kabaka’s personal security. The recruitment of at least 4 or 5 youthful grand children of Ssekabaka Chwa to undermine the Kabaka is attractive to the president because he is starting to believe that the back of Baganda youth has been weakened. The key is to deny the Kabaka and his loyal adviser, who are part-time, in a reactive mode all the time between now and January or February next year.”

In a related development, unconfirmed reports from  Boston tell us that at least 4 or 5 princes and princesses from Texas and North East USA were in Boston on September 26, 2009. And some were eager to meet Museveni. If Museveni left money with Rugunda to buy Buganda royals, as our state house source asserted, then  the campaign may already be in full swing.

The organizers of the Buganda Emergency Meeting, which took place on October 17, 2009, in Boston USA, have published the resolutions from the event (see “Muliika And Frank Musisi To Headline Boston Buganda Emergency Conference“).  We first received a copy of the resolutions at around 4:00 PM Boston time but it took us until 7:30 PM to verify that it was genuine. That is when a highly reliable source confirmed to us that the document was being circulated on the top Baganda discussion lists by Mr. James Semakula, one of the organizers.

Buganda post is preparing a story, together with in depth analysis, on the Buganda Emergency Meeting to be published over the weekend.

The resolution document is reproduced in its entirety below:

Resolutions of the Buganda Emergency Meeting in Boston on October 17, 2009‏

Preamble:-

Aware that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICFSCR), guarantee the right to self determination of all people;

Convinced beyond reasonable doubt that the NRM government has violated fundamental human rights;

Saddened by the gross, unjust and inefficient governance inflicted on the people of Uganda by the NRM regime;

Realizing that Unity is essential to achieving our collective objectives;

Determined to rid Uganda of bad governance, dictatorship, and corruption;

Condemning strongly the NRM government’s continued interference in the running of independent institutions and intrusion into the running and electoral process of organizations of Ugandans in the Diaspora;

We hereby earnestly resolve as follows:-

1.    Establish structures to analyze and determine the resources needed to achieve our objectives.

2.    Advise the Kabaka not to directly negotiate with Museveni, his government, or agents of the NRM regime.

3.    Take appropriate steps to fundraise in order to finance the necessary activities to lead to change and the establishment of genuine democracy in Uganda.

4.    Pursue all legal channels that are useful in achieving our objectives including, but not limited to, international legal action.

5.    Educate the International community about the true political situation in Uganda through demonstrations on a regular basis and lobby work at the New York UN headquarters, Washington DC, and other major cities in the world.

6.    Boycott, effective immediately, all government media and other anti-Buganda entities.

7.    Intensify civic education of the people about the problems and possible solution to the problems being faced by Buganda.

8.    Reach out to other Ugandan ethnicities and groups with a view to making alliances to advance the cause of Democracy and Federalism.

9.    Expose government spies, informers, and traitors– and record their illegal activities within and outside Uganda for the purpose of future prosecution.

10.  Seek better Medical treatment for Mrs. Betty Nambooze Bakireke.

11.  Reject (unanimously) the Regional Tier as a form of governance in Uganda.

12.  Agree that Museveni and his regime must go; and resolve to establish a mechanism for free and fair elections

A source close to Eng. JB Walusimbi has told us that the 65 year Katikkiro of Buganda has is losing interest in position and could be looking for ways get out of the 4-year contract with the kingdom. The source, who is a member of the Katikkiro’s Magunda sub clan (ssiga) of the Ffumbe (civet cat) clan, said: “Since even before the Kayunga riots, Engineer Walusimbi has been facing pressures to leave the office from all sides, even our clan elders, or show more that he is loyal to the Kabaka. Even we his own brothers and sisters have been pressuring him in our own ways because he is shaming our whole clan. By the way, when he was appointed Katikkiro, many of us who are insiders tried to oppose because we knew his background but we were not properly consulted.”

Our source told us that since the Kayunga riots, it appears that Engineer JB Walusimbi has been rethinking his part time job as Katikkiro. She says: “First,  it looks like JB realized during the riots that Baganda youth might one of these days kill him or some of his 6 children because of the image that he is on Museveni’s side. As a person, he wants to be Katikkiro but it is impossible for him when he is much closer  to Gilbert Bukenya and Museveni than he is to Kabaka Mutebi. And the way that Baganda youths are attacking him, is giving him high blood pressure. That is why he is really losing interest, because no one trusts him. Not even most of us members of his Magunda ssiga.”

Many Baganda were incensed with the statement that Katikkiro Walusimbi issued after the “gun on your head” Kabaka Mutebi was forced to have with Uganda warlord, Yoweri Museveni on September 30, 2009 (see “Katikkiro JB Walusimbi Praises Gunpoint Meeting Between Kabaka and Museveni“).  Since then, Katikkiro Walusimbi, has all but abandoned making pro-Buganda public statements or associating himself with the hundreds of Baganda who were murdered or continue to be arrested and tortured by the NRM government. The Katikkiro is even low key on the arrests and continuing harassment of Kabaka’s officials by Museveni’s security forces. He reportedly avoided assisting Kabaka’s official ,Betty Nambooze, with her medical problems, for fear of annoying Museveni who hates her.  According to local press reports, Kabaka Mutebi was forced to personally get involved in Nambooze’s case, working through other obedient ministers to provide her with much needed medical care.

If it is true that Engineer Walusimbi is losing interest his position as Katikkiro, there is evidence that he could be developing a new interest. Over the last two weeks, Katikkiro Walusimbi’s high profile engagements were closing the Uganda Manufacturers Association (UMA) trade show and presiding over the Rotary Club announcement of free medical operations program for the poor. At the UMA event, Owek. Walusimbi surprised many in the audience when he promised that Buganda would never reclaim the 9,000 square miles from its illegal occupiers but only partner with them to generate income from the land. The subject of how the 9,000 miles would be administered has never been discussed by the Buganda Lukiiko. Many of Engineer Walusimbi’s critics are also upset that this “Kabaka ow’ebweeru” was giving attention to Rotary Club medical operations instead of putting priority on getting Betty Nambooze the urgent surgery she needs.

Some British Baganda are angry at Deputy Katikkiro, Emmanuel Sendaula, and Kabaka’s representative in UK, Nsambu Musisi, for asking them (the Baganda) to keep quiet at a time when their Kabaka and nation are under a state of occupation by the NRM government.

In a Luganda letter that was addressed to all Kabaka’s representatives overseas, Owek. Sendaula indicates that the Kabaka’s representative had been informed in the past that, earlier, the Buganda government passed a resolution that Kabaka and the Ugandan warlord, Museveni, should meet. He adds that the meeting which took place has improved the communication between the two sides. He states that the two sides exchanged documents based on which negotiations were to take place; the Katikkiro would inform Kabaka’s representative in due course.

The Deputy Katikkiro’s letter includes no references to ordinary Baganda except when he asks Kabaka’s representative to tell the Baganda in their areas to be  “very calm”. Owek. Sendaula provides not information at all to his audience to pass over to Baganda in their area. His letter does not include any reference to the 30 Baganda who were massacred by the NRM occupation government, the hundreds who were injured and the nearly 1,000 who have been arrested and tortured over the last two weeks. The Deputy Katikkiro’s letter is dated Monday October 15, 2009, only 2 days after Kabaka’s minister, Lubega Sseggona, was arrested by Museveni. However it does not mention the plight of Ssegona. Even most important, the Deputy Katikkiro letter saying nothing about the health and general well being of Ssabasajja Kabaka, who all Baganda know has endured tough and stressful times since the NRM occupation power barred him from going to Bugerere and started murdering his subjects.

Also significant is that, in his letter, Owek. Sendaula never mentions ordinary Baganda who live the Diaspora. He never acknowledges the allegiance they have shown to the Kabaka and Buganda with their demonstrations and other actions. He only refers to these loyal subjects when he says, “You, the representatives of Ssabasajja outside Uganda should encourage the people you lead to be very calm to give a chance to the negotiations that have started between the Uganda government and Buganda Kingdom, which aim to address Buganda’s open issues.”

In his letter to UK Baganda, Kabaka’s representative Nsambu Musisi also skipped any acknowledgement what UK Baganda have done to show the loyalty they have to Buganda or the Kabaka. And he amplifies Owek. Sendaula’s letter, telling Kabaka’s subjects in UK: “It is best that any planned demonstrations in Britain be postponed.”

One of our sources in London reported that many Baganda in UK are incensed at the condescending attitude of  Owek. Sendaula and Mr. Nsambu Musisi. The situation is further complicated by the fact that Mr. Musisi has popularity issues with most UK Baganda who feel that he was imposed on them by Katikkiro Mulwanyaamuli. According to our source: “Baganda here in London believe that blood of Baganda shed by Museveni only a week ago and the ongoing torture of hundreds of his subjects are most important to Kabaka Mutebi. But that a few cowardly and greedy individuals are helping Museveni to isolate Kabaka from his subjects by making him appear more interested in CBS Radio money or the firing of Tamale Mirundi.”

Another source, who is a computer engineer and Nkoba za Mbogo veteran went as far as challenging Deputy Katikkiro Sendaula and Mmengo to explain why they are eager to sell a Buganda’s which has survived nearly 1,000 years to a man whose true identity is questionable. He said: “First Walusimbi, Sendaula and a few money angry Mmengo personalities were used by Museveni to trick Kabaka into becoming a negotiator. That was an effort to break the centuries old custom, ‘Kabaka tateesa‘. Now they are trying to get a short term, short sighted, secret Regional Tier deal with Museveni based on getting quick CBS Radio and bribe money, to protect their personal interests. That is why they don’t even care about the Baganda blood that was spilt, those in prison or even bad image Kabaka Mutebi may get among his subjects.

“Anyway, they cannot stop us from resisting Buganda’s occupiers and protecting out Kabaka and national interests. The only reason that Museveni is even learnt to dress up, walk as if his feet are OK and behave like a civilized person in front of the Kabaka last Wednesday, is because he and his fellow Balaalo were panicked by the demonstrations September 10-11, 2009. The demonstrators in Buganda, London, New York, Boston and elsewhere showed the Ugandan NRM war lords that Buganda has a backbone. It makes common sense that Baganda must only increase demonstrations if they want to make it clear to Museveni and his NRM occupiers that they have no future without agreeing to all Buganda’s demands. Akeenda, return of all our properties, payment of arrears and Federo.  These demands are well known by all Ugandans, so why would our demonstrations against the murder and senseless arrest and torture of Baganda change anything?”

When contacted for a comment on this story, our New York based Buganda analyst had this to say: “I think Owek. JB Walusimbi and his supporters in Mmengo have made a terrible mistake of sacrificing Nambooze, Sseggona, Mpuuga and other so called Mmengo radicals to appease Museveni, Bukenya and the businessmen in Mmengo. I suspect that if Walusimbi continues on this path then he (Walusimbi) will have no influence at all when the next major demonstrations by Baganda happens, because the demonstrators might be looking for his head. It is like the children making an alarm (okukuba enduulu) when they see a robber running way with family property. Suppose the robber panics and starts to appear cornered. I think that even a 6-year old would smell something fishy if the father comes out of hiding, doesn’t show concern about the children killed or kidnapped by the robber and tells the whole family to keep quite, so neighbors don’t come as he secretly negotiates with the robber.”

Below are the letters from Deputy Katikkiro Sendaula and Mr. Nsambu Musisi respectively (in Luganda):

.

Letter from Owek. Sendaula

Eri:       Ababaka ba Ssaabasajja bonna mu nsi z’Ebweru

Okuva: Oweek. Amb. Emmnauel L. Ssendaula, Minisita w’Ensonga za Buganda  Ebweru

Ensonga:Ensisinkano ya Ssaabasajja Kabaka ne President wa Uganda

Olunaku: Lwakutaano nga 02/10/2009

Nkulamusizza nnyo era ne nkwebaza emirimu gy’oweereza Mukama waffe Ssaabasajja n’eggwanga lyattu Buganda ng’osinziira eyo gy’oli.

President wa Uganda ne Ssaabasajja Kabaka wa Buganda baasisinkanye mu State House e Ntebe nga 30/09/2009.  Akakiiko Akafuzi (Cabinet) aka Gavumenti ya Ssaabasajja Kabaka nako kaatudde eggulo nga 01/10/2009 ne kakubaganya ebirowoozo ku nsisinkano y’abakulu abo ababiri.

Nga bwe mumanyi obulungi, Gavumenti ya Ssaabasajja yayisa ekiteeso ekisemba Ssaabasajja ne President basisinkane.  Kirungi nti ensisinkano eyo yayambye nnyo okuteekawo empuliziganya wakati waabwe bombi etaabaddeewo okumala ebbanga.

Katikkiro yategeezezza Obuganda nti waliwo ebiwandiiko ebyawanyisiganyiziddwa President ne Ssaabasajja Kabaka byetegerezebwe buli ludda.  Kati Katikkiro ne Gavumenti ya Ssaabasajja twefunyiridde mu kwetegereza ensonga eziri mu kiwandiiko President kye yawadde Ssaabasajja kyokka ate nga tusuubira nti ne President yeetegereza ensonga eziri mu kiwandiiko Ssaabasajja Kabaka kye yamuwadde.

Ekiseera ekituufu bwe kinaatuuka, Katikkiro ajja kutegeeza Obuganda ebinaaba bivudde mu nteeseganya.  Mu kiseera kye kimu Katikkiro ayongedde n’akubiriza Obuganda okubeera obumu wamu n’okubeera abakkakkamu ennyo nga tulwanirira ebyaffe.

Mu ngeri y’emu nammwe ababaka ba Ssaabasajja ebweru wa Uganda, musaanye okukubiriza abantu be mutwala okubeera abakkakkamu ennyo tusobole ffenna okuwa omukisa enteeseganya ezitandise wakati wa Gavumenti ya Uganda n’Obwakabaka bwa Buganda, nga zigendererwamu okukola n’okugonjoola ensonga za Buganda zonna ezikyali mu ddiiro.

Ssaabasajja Kabaka Awangaale!

.

Letter from Mr. Nsambu Musisi

Abazaana n’abasajja ba Ssaabasajja,

Mbalamusizza nnyo nnyini era mbebaza emirimu gyemukola. Ate mbebaza ekyensusso obumu n’obuwagizi bwemulaze eri Ssaabasajja mu kasEera akabade akazibu. Ssabasajja gyaali ateredde ntEnde naye nga akyaali munakuwavu olw’Abantu be abaafa na balumizibwa mu kwekalakaasa okwaaliwo

1. Mbasaba musome ebbaluwa eri wansi weno nga eva ewa Owek Ssendaula nga eyogera kubiriwo kati. Nsaba mugisome.

Ntegezeddwa nti olw’okwagala okutekawo embeera ennungi ‘conducive environment’ eneyamba enteseganya wakati wa Ssaabasajja Kabaka ne President wa Uganda okugenda mu maaso,  kyandibadde kirungi singa Abaganda tugira tukyaleka ebyo ebibadde bikolebwa okulaga nti tuli benyamivu nga muno mwemuli n’okwekalakaasa.

Gavumenti ya Uganda nayo egambye nti egyakulekeraawo ebikolwa eby’okusomooza Buganda.

Kale no n’olwekyo kyandibade kirungi singa okwekalakaasa okubadde kugenda okuberawo e Bungereza kugira kuyimirizibwaamu. (Postponed).

2. Nebaza abo bonna abakawa ensimbi ez’okukubagiza amaka agafiirwa abantu baabwe mu kwekalakaasa. Abamu abatadde ensimbi ku ‘Bank Account’ tebalaga mannya gaabwe. Nsaba buli atadde ensimbi ku Account okumpereza amannyage tusobole okuwandiika olukalala lw’amannya getunawereza embuga nga tuwereza ensimbi zino ez’okukubagiza.

Mu kiseera kyekimu nsaba abo bonna abatanadukirila mulanga guno okugezaako okwayo obuyambi nga butekebwa ku ‘Bank Account’

Ssaabasajja Kabaka Awangaale

J Nsambu Musisi

Omubaka

Over the last two weeks, the chairman of president Museveni’s Uganda Broadcasting Council (UBC) has had a chats with virtually all major radio station owners and ordered them to adhere to certain “profession practices” or face closure like CBS FM Radio (Radio ya Ssabasajja). We have learnt that Mr. Mutabazi did not seek input several members of  the broadcast council and mostly depended on talking points which he put together with assistance from Robert Kabushenga, Tamale Mirundi, Robert Sebunya and Moses Byaruhanga.  His method of work angered some members of the UBC who feel abused and marginalized by state house. It is through these conditions that we received the information in Mutabazi’s talking points.

Our sources have also confirmed that president Museveni approved the measures and their ongoing implementation before he left for the UN general assembly in the USA. And after his encounter with Kabaka on Wednesday, he ordered that the measures be continued, a sign that the meeting with Kabaka did not change anything for him.

According to our sources, Godfrey Mutabazi obtained partial college education in North America before returning home in the early 1990’s to work in Museveni spy network. In 1998, he was appointed to the Uganda Broadcasting Council. He became the chairman around 2003 and started calling himself Engineer Mutabazi. He is highly secretive and ordered that information on UBC members, even names, be removed from the UBC website. Members terms are 3 years but he has been automatically reappointed 4 times.

Both Mutabazi, who implemented the closure of CBS FM Radio and General Kalyekezi Kayihura, the police commander who stopped Kabaka from going to Kayunga are Rwandese Tutsi who came to Uganda as refugees. This fact plus persistent but unconfirmed rumors that president Museveni’s unknown biological father was a Tutsi is feeding the growing belief among Baganda that their kingdom is under occupation by foreign mercenaries.

Uganda has 129 radio stations and 7 TV stations in different states of operation. The biggest broadcasting houses, of which CBS FM Radio has been the market leader for over 10 years, are mostly owned by Baganda. Their leadership significantly depended on their higher coverage of Buganda kingdom events and people, especially the Kabaka.

Besides Mutabazi, the other current UBC member are Tim Lwanga Mutekanga, George Omunyokol, Aggrey Kibenge, Kenneth Kazooba, Aga Sekalala, Kagole Kivumbi, Juliana Naumo, Godfrey Kibuuka, Patrick Mukiibi and Catherine Omaswa.

Below is an edited and reorganize version of Mutabazi’s talking points. Certain names, offices and other details have been removed or reworded to protect our sources.

UBC RULES OF THE ROAD TO BROADCASTERS

-TALKING POINTS -

(HIGHLY CONFIDENTIAL)

Kabaka

1.  Stop calling him “His Majesty”; instead use “His Highness” not to contradict the President and other NRM officials.

2.  Use “Mr. Mutebi” instead of “Kabaka” as much as possible. Start slowly and build up.

3.  Stop using the terms “Empologoma”, “Chuchu”, “Nyanja Temanyiirwa”, “Baffe”, “Namunswa” or other terms, which encourage Buganda sectarianism.

4.  Avoid stories that portray him as a strong person who is influenced by moderates and NRM supporters.

5.  Promote stories that portray him as a weak person who is under pressure from a few radical Baganda.

6.  Promote stories and images that suggest that he has a friendly relationship with H.E. the VP.

Buganda

1.  Stop playing the “Kitibwa kya Buganda” song or other nationalistic Buganda songs because they promote sectarianism.

2.  Stop referring to Buganda as a kingdom. Instead, consistently use “Central Region” or, if clarity demands it, “Buganda Region”.

3.  Stop referring to the old Buganda counties. Stick to district and constituency names (even if they include old county names in part).

4.  Freely report all stories where the Katikkiro and members of his cabinet are promoting peace, hard work, friendly relations with other Ugandans and “fair treatment” from the H. E. the President.

5.  Avoid stories that include strong pro-Buganda statements by religious leaders. Promote stories where religious leaders call for calm

6.  Don’t use the words “genocide” or “occupation” or “torture” or “safe house” or similar words in connection with any arrests of Baganda for any reasons.

7.  Refer to Banyala as an ethnic minority which is fighting to secede from Buganda. Stop mentioning the population of Banyala.

8.  Do not promote Baganda only events like clan football matches, cultural competitions, Nkoba za Mbogo, etc.

Buganda Radicals and Rioters

1.  Stop reporting stories on the activities of Allan Waligo, Nambooze, Sseggona, Muliika, Nsubuga Nsambu, Mpanga, Nkoba za Mbogo, and other Baganda radicals. The exception is when the story suggests that they are becoming weak and trying to incite violence against non Baganda.

2.  Keep reporting on police cases against Nambooze, Lukwago and other similar anti-government activists to a minimum.

3.  Do not use the term “political prisoners” to refer to any of the rioters.

4.  Avoid referring to the those who participated in the Kayunga related rioting as “Baganda” since some of them were not Baganda. The rioters were common criminals and a few anti-government elements who exploited the situation to loot.

5. When it make sense you can refer to the radicals who incite violence or those who engage in riots as “terrorists”

Mengo

1.  Stop reporting stories on the activities of Waliggo, Nambooze, Sseggona, Muliika, Nsubuga Nsambu, Nkoba za Mbogo, and other Baganda radicals. The exception is when the story suggests that they are becoming weak and cannot incite Baganda sectarianism.

2.  Keep reporting on police cases against Nambooze, Lukwago and other similar anti-government activists to a minimum.

3.  Avoid using terms like “Buganda Government” or “Buganda Kingdom Government”.

4.  Report positively on the Katikiro and other Mengo people who don’t make outwardly sectarian statement.

5.  Report positively on health, agriculture, education and other developmental program by Mengo.

6. Avoid using the “Owekitibwa” title becuase it can cause misplaced feeling of importance.

PRESS RELEASE

Uganda: Troops Killed Unarmed People in Riot Period
No Lethal Force Necessary in at Least 13 Fatal Shootings

(Kampala, October 1, 2009) – The Ugandan government should immediately order an independent investigation into the killing of unarmed persons during and after riots in Kampala on September 10 and 11, 2009, Human Rights Watch said today.

A Human Rights Watch investigation found that at least 13 people were shot by government forces in situations where lethal force was unnecessary. The Minister of Internal Affairs reported to parliament that 27 people had died during the riots and that seven were uninvolved in riot activity.

“Shooting in self defense is one thing, but we found that some soldiers shot at bystanders and shot through locked doors,” said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The government needs to put an impartial investigation in motion now.”

The riots in Kampala, Uganda’s capital, began on September 10, when police blocked a delegation representing the Buganda kingdom from visiting Kayunga district. The cultural king of Buganda, known as the kabaka, was planning to visit Kayunga for National Youth Day two days later. The visit was opposed by leaders of the Banyala ethnic group in Kayunga, who reject the kabaka’s authority. The kabaka’s supporters took to the streets to protest the police action, and violence began soon afterward.

Sources at Kampala’s main hospital, Mulago, indicate that 88 victims of the violence were admitted for treatment over this period, most for gunshot wounds. Victims were taken to other hospitals as well. According to the minister of internal affairs, at least 846 people were arrested for alleged crimes committed during the riots, and the arrests continue. At least 24 of the alleged rioters have been charged with terrorism for destroying government property, and many others have been charged with unlawful assembly and inciting violence.

During and after the unrest, Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 50 victims and their family members, witnesses, doctors, and local and senior government officials. On-the-ground research was conducted into the circumstances surrounding the violence in the Kampala neighborhoods of Nateete, Kasubi, Busega, Ndeeba, Bwaise, Bunga, the Salaama Road at Nakinyuguzi zone, and in Mpigi town.

Human Rights Watch investigated several fatal and non-fatal shootings by security forces on September 10 and 11 that raise serious questions about the level of force employed in response to the riots. In a number of cases throughout the city, there is strong evidence that security forces shot individuals who were not threatening them or others.

This challenges statements by some government officials that live ammunition was only fired into the air to clear the streets of protesters.

However, President Yoweri Museveni, addressing parliament on September 10, after the riots broke out, contended that “initially police acted slowly” in response to the unrest. “Looters,” he said, “will be shot on sight, as will those who attack civilians.”

Human Rights Watch said that investigations should look into the circumstances of the rioting and into how to improve policing during demonstrations. Thus far, there is no clear evidence to support the contention of some Ugandan government officials that the Kampala riots were organized in advance. The Buganda kingdom government has denied any role in organizing the riots. Some rioters do appear to have employed parallel tactics, such as burning tires to block roads in several areas of the city, especially on the afternoon of September 10.

Human Rights Watch urged the police and other security forces to abide by the United Nations Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials. The principles call upon law enforcement officials, including military units responding to national emergencies, to apply nonviolent means before resorting to the use of force, to use force only in proportion to the seriousness of the offense, and to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable to protect life. The principles also provide that governments shall ensure that arbitrary or abusive use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials is punished as a criminal offense under their law.

“Much of the attention has focused on the politics surrounding recent events,” said Gagnon. “But the real tragedy is that families have lost loved ones in entirely unnecessary circumstances. They deserve to see justice done.”

Violence and the Response

Human Rights Watch found that in the early stages of the demonstrations on September 10, some protesters resorted to violence in some areas of Kampala, burning at least five cars, one passenger bus, and one delivery truck, blocking some main roads with burning tires and debris, looting shops, and throwing rocks at police and members of the armed forces. In Nateete, protesters burned a police station. In Bwaise, a factory was set on fire. No one was reported injured in either fire, and local hospitals did not report any burn victims. Police, some in riot gear, used teargas in several areas of the city.

Uganda’s inspector general of police (IGP), Maj. Gen. Kale Kayihura, told Human Rights Watch that military police and the army’s Presidential Guard Brigade were deployed under his orders to support the police beginning at around 4 p.m. on September 10, and that infantry soldiers were deployed in support shortly thereafter. Kayihura said that these units fired live ammunition into the air to scatter rioters.

Human Rights Watch’s research indicates that the security forces faced some situations in which the use of firearms may have been warranted. One witness described seeing a rioter steal a civilian security guard’s gun near Kampala Bus Park on September 10 and shoot a policeman in the leg. Kayihura provided two other instances, in Nateete and Sseta, where rioters fired on the security forces. It remains unclear if anyone was injured in those two instances, and those events were not investigated by Human Rights Watch.

Kayihura told Human Rights Watch that, while all government forces had been ordered to use minimum force, non-lethal options such as rubber bullets and pepper spray are not standard issue in all police posts. He claimed that the security forces had few alternatives to shooting live ammunition into the air. Other knowledgeable sources in the police told Human Rights Watch that the police stocks of tear gas had run low and that officials feared they lacked the means to secure the city without using firearms.

Where Lethal Force Was Not Necessary

However, among the episodes that raise serious questions about the use of force, in Bwaise on September 10, local people gathered to observe the fire brigade fight a fire set by rioters earlier that afternoon. An army armored personnel carrier drove by the crowd and the troops on board fired, striking Hussein Mujuuka in the back of the head and killing him instantly. At least 10 others were wounded by the gunfire. Several witnesses told Human Rights Watch that local residents responded by burning tires along the Bwaise-Kampala Road. They said that shootings by the military continued during the evening hours in Bwaise and that many other people were wounded. Deaths from military gunfire also occurred the same day in Kawempe, Nakulabye, Mulago, and the Ndeeba areas of Kampala.

Security forces using live ammunition caused many injuries and at least six deaths on September 11. Witnesses and victims told Human Rights Watch that most Kampala communities were trying to return to normal business after the previous day’s unrest. However, soldiers heavily deployed both on foot and in armored personnel carriers in some areas of the city fired live ammunition. There is evidence in some instances that they deliberately shot and killed or wounded people who were not actively involved in demonstrations or unrest.

For example, military units, some accompanied by police forces deployed in Ndeeba that morning, apparently ordered people on the roads to return home. Over several hours, soldiers shot and killed one person and seriously wounded two more. In each case, the victims were shot after they had entered their homes or workplaces. Witnesses said that soldiers apparently pursued people several hundred meters from the main roads and fired their weapons through locked doors. However, no official curfew had been imposed.

Kinaalwa Sseddulaaka Jackson, the owner of a dry cleaning shop about 100 meters from the Masaka road in Tomusange zone, Ndeeba, hid in his back storage room and locked the back door when an army armored personnel carrier entered Ndeeba and soldiers on board began shooting. A few minutes later, a uniformed soldier walked through the area and fired his AK-47 through Sseddulaaka’s back door, killing him instantly. Human Rights Watch researchers saw two bullet holes in that door, as well as five other bullet holes in doors and walls in the neighborhood. All were in the lower half of the doors and walls.

Soldiers and police also deployed around Nateete market that morning, closing the main gate even though the market was filled with food vendors and customers. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that uniformed soldiers, some wearing the red berets of the military police, began to attack people with sticks and batons, and ordered them to clear the streets and return home. Several women selling matoke (plantains) showed Human Rights Watch large contusions and bruises from having been beaten while trying to flee.

The witnesses said that the soldiers then began firing their weapons, both in the air and into the crowds. One customer was killed and another wounded. One female vendor showed Human Rights Watch where she had been grazed by a bullet on her hip, requiring medical treatment. Human Rights Watch saw three bullet holes in the market walls and three others through its iron roof sheeting.

In Busega, an area dense with open-air shops and stalls, soldiers shot and killed two people in separate incidents that morning. Residents and officials reported that on the previous day, rioters in the area had blocked roads with fires and demanded money from those trying to enter Kampala by car. Rioters had looted a Coca Cola truck and burned it. The situation calmed by 7 p.m. that day, and the shops along the road had reopened. Witnesses said the area had remained calm the next morning until a military armored personnel carrier and military and police trucks drove through, in some cases telling people to clear the streets and return home. The shops closed quickly when soldiers in the personnel carrier began firing live bullets, but 13-year-old Daoudi Ssentongo was struck in the head and killed inside his family’s shop when a bullet ripped through a refrigerator next door. His death triggered more demonstrations, and members of the community tried to block the personnel carrier from re-entering the area by burning debris in the road.

Near where the youth died, soldiers on foot chased people away from the main roundabout, evidently to arrest or deter rioters. Soldiers pursued several young men who ran away. Ronald Kasagga, who supplied ice to the area’s fish vendors, was fatally shot in the chest at close range by a soldier. Witnesses said that the soldier yelled “Stop!” and that when Kasagga turned around, the soldier fired.

Around 11 a.m. on September 11 in Kasubi zone 4, rioters had been taunting nearby soldiers and throwing rocks near a gas station on the main road, witnesses said. When the soldiers pursued them, they ran up the hill, past the home of Stella Kabasinguzi, who had left her house briefly, seeking bread for her three children. The soldiers approached her home, and Kabasinguzi immediately raised her hands in the air. A soldier shot her, in front of her children. She died on the way to the hospital. Human Rights Watch observed three bullet holes through doors in other homes in zone 4, more than 100 meters from the main road where riots had occurred. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that a soldier on foot demanded that people go inside their homes, and shot through the doors when some hesitated.

Throughout the city on September 11, soldiers and police threatened and beat people to obtain information about the whereabouts of alleged rioters. A woman making tea outside her restaurant in Ndeeba was questioned by a uniformed soldier carrying an AK-47. According to several people interviewed separately, when she did not have answers to his questions, he poured the hot tea on her back. He then stuck the gun barrel into her mouth and demanded to know where rioters were hiding. She escaped only after bystanders diverted his attention.

Nile Broadcasting Services broadcast video of police and military patrolling areas on September 11, beating people sitting and standing near their homes in Kazo and throwing them into the backs of police trucks. The authorities did not request names or identity documents before arresting them. In one instance, when a man protested being forcibly removed from his home, he was beaten repeatedly. Police took truckloads of suspects to Kawempe police station. Human Rights Watch researchers observed similar actions on Salaama Road that afternoon.

On September 10, government officials told television stations to stop broadcasting live pictures of the violence. In some instances, government forces forcibly removed video footage from TV stations, appropriated journalists’ cameras and videotapes, and deleted photographs of dead bodies. Some journalists were beaten attempting to report on the unfolding events. The state-owned newspaper, The New Vision, inaccurately reported that mobs had on September 11 burned two people to death in Ndeeba. Local officials from Ndeeba and other knowledgeable sources informed Human Rights Watch that no rioters had burned people, but The New Vision has yet to issue corrections.

The Police Explanation

Police Inspector General Kayihura told Human Rights Watch that the police lacked capacity to respond to the speed and geographical breadth of the events of September 10. Unrest in previous years had centered on Kampala’s Central Business District and had not extended into the populous residential neighborhoods. He said that Uganda’s military police, the Presidential Guard Brigade, and regular army units had both the equipment and the mobility to respond to the unrest. He said that the military police, like the civilian police, have had training in riot control, and that the armored personnel carriers were deployed to help move units around the suburbs where riots were taking place. He said the Ugandan military possesses four of these vehicles – two Gila and two Mamba anti-riot vehicles, which can also be used for “fighting terrorism and insurgency.”

Kayihura said that seven of the 27 reported killed during the riots were not involved in the riots at the time of their deaths, and that they were hit by “stray bullets.” He told Human Rights Watch that the deaths were unfortunate and regrettable, but that the security forces had shown restraint in their response to the unrest. He said that two policemen had been arrested for shooting in the air in Kasubi (the arrests appear unrelated to the death of Kabasinguzi). He said that investigations would be conducted into the circumstances of all the deaths during the riots, but also cited section 69 of Uganda’s penal code, which states that police may use “all such force as is reasonably necessary for overcoming” a riot and police “shall not be liable in any criminal or civil proceeding for having, by the use of such force, caused harm or death to any person.”

According to statements quoted in The New Vision newspaper by the army spokesman, Lt. Col. Felix Kulayigye, military units were deployed under article 209(b) of the constitution, which states that the Ugandan People’s Defence Forces shall “cooperate with the civilian authority in emergency situations” and that once deployed, they act under orders of the inspector general of police.” Kulayigye contended that the situation was “a war” and that the riots had had “genocidal tendencies.” He placed blame for the deaths on the alleged organizers of the riots, but admitted that “the moment the bullet leaves the barrel, anything could happen beyond there.”

Human Rights Watch is deeply concerned that Kulayigye’s statement might encourage members of the security forces to use unnecessary and unlawful lethal force during future encounters with demonstrators.

Museveni told an emergency session of parliament on September 15 that the government will compensate those who lost their properties and vehicles, and it will also assist those who lost family members.

Recommendations

Human Rights Watch urged the government of Uganda to take the following actions:

• Publicly acknowledge and condemn recent shootings of unarmed people by members of the security forces.
• Undertake an independent and impartial investigation into the actions of all soldiers and police alleged to have perpetrated human rights abuses during the September riots. Prosecute those against whom there is sufficient evidence in accordance with international fair trial standards.
• Issue clear public instructions to all government forces involved in policing to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable to protect human life.
• Seek out non-lethal options for police and military responding to demonstrations and protests, and ensure those options are standard issue for police stations.

Human Rights Watch urged donors to the Ugandan government, especially members of the Partners for Democracy and Governance Working Group, to take the following actions:

• Publicly express concern about human rights abuses committed by members of the military and police during the September riots.
• Urge government leaders to hold accountable, in accordance with international fair trial standards, members of the security forces implicated in human rights violations.
• Support the police in acquiring non-lethal options for riot response and ensure that relevant personnel from the police and military receive adequate training.

Background

The role of cultural royalty such as the kabaka in Uganda has been the source of debate historically. President Milton Obote outlawed all cultural leaders in 1966, but Museveni permitted them to return in 1995. Under the constitution, cultural leaders are barred from politics, but they still wield influence over their communities. The kabaka is the king of the Baganda people, the largest ethnic group in Uganda and a key constituency in the upcoming 2011 elections. Since independence, some Baganda political leaders have argued that the Buganda kingdom should be a federal state within Uganda.

Accounts from Victims and Witnesses of Shootings during Recent Kampala Riots

“It was 9 a.m. when I was returning from the village where we buried my friend Deo, who was shot and killed in Ndeeba on Thursday during the riots. When I arrived back to town, I saw a group of soldiers and men in civilian clothes with guns and sticks walking along the road. I ran to the other side of the road and to find a place to hide. The soldiers began to hit us with batons and kick us. They were beating other people in the road as well. I ran away and noticed I had a cut on my head from the baton, and I was bleeding. My friend and I went off the main road and hid by locking ourselves into a storage room near a friend’s shop. We heard the soldier’s footsteps and then he yelled, “Open the door!” I said, “But if we come out, you are going to beat us again.” He said, “You think bullets cannot reach you in there?” Then he fired his gun through the door. A bullet hit the inside of my arm and then entered my stomach and I fell down.”
- Gunshot victim in Ndeeba, September 11

“Things were calm in Mpigi that day. We heard about what was happening in Kampala and someone had lit two tires on fire, but the cars could pass. Faisal and I were standing on the veranda. The soldiers came in a government vehicle and started caning people. One soldier came carrying a stick and a gun. He threw the stick at a boy and then got out the gun. He pointed the gun towards us, and then fired at us two times. I ran and hid at a house nearby. And later, someone said that a man was killed. A bit later, I learned it was Faisal. He had been shot in the neck.”
- Witness to killing of Faisal Bukenya, September 10

“On Friday morning, I saw the boys throwing a few rocks at the soldiers, and then the soldiers started shooting in their direction. Eventually the soldiers rounded up a group of boys and held them at the petrol station. The soldiers were forcing the boys to jump up and down as punishment for throwing rocks. When they tried to move the group of unruly boys, some scattered and the military began shooting at them again. The woman with the three children was killed just then.”
- Witness to the killing of Stella Kabasinguzi, September 11

“She was just on the steps of her home on Friday morning. She had gone to collect some bread for the children. When she saw the soldiers, she threw her hands in the air, but he fired right at her and she fell. He was standing just a bit down from her.”
- Another witness to the killing of Stella Kabasinguzi, September 11

“I was here in the market, selling matoke on Friday morning around 8 a.m. Suddenly, the military came in and started beating people, telling everyone to leave the market. Even the security officer for the market was hit by batons from them. They even beat me very hard on the buttocks, while I was trying to run away. Some of them stole the money I had on the ground. Others started shooting into the market and a boy was hit and a man was killed.”
- Witness to killings and shooting in Nateete, September 11

List of fatal shootings investigated by Human Rights Watch
On September 10

1.            Hussein Mujuuka, shot through the eye by military in personnel carrier, in Bwaise

2.            Robert, Congolese national, shot by military near Qualicell Building in Kampala Bus Park

3.            John Bosco Kaagwa, shot in the back by military near Nakulabye trading center

4.            Ssadam Katongole, shot in the chest by the military at “Kubirri” – Mulago roundabout

5.            Deo Lutaaya, shot in Kabuusu by military in personnel carrier, near Petrol City, on Masaka Road

6.            Muganga Huzairu, shot in the abdomen in Nateete; died at Mulago hospital

7.            Faisal Bukenya, shot in the neck by a soldier in Mpigi Town

On September 11

8.            Ronald Kasagga, shot in the chest by military on foot near Busega roundabout

9.            Kinaalwa Sseddulaaka Jackson, killed by military on foot in Tomusange zone, Ndeeba

10.        Mustaifa Basajjabalaba, shot by military in Kitaka zone, Kibazo road, Busega

11.        Daoudi Ssentongo, killed by military in Busega roundabout

12.        Stella Kabasinguzi, killed by military in zone 4, Kasubi

13.        Customer shot by military in Nateete Market

Other deaths:

14.        Kakooza Hussein, beaten by the police in Nakamiro zone, Kazo, on September 11; died on September 17

Other fatal shootings reported in the media:

15.        Unnamed private security guard working for Saracen Security Company

16.        Patrick Kaijamurubi, military police, from Masindi, killed by a stray bullet shot by another military policeman while Kaijamurubi was fixing tire on his vehicle in Ndeeba

17.        Geoffrey Andama, high school student, shot at Shop Rite Supermarket, near the Clock Tower junction

18.        Benjamin Atere, 2 years old, died from gunshot on Mawanda Road in Mulago

19.        Frank Kafuma, sustained gunshot wounds at Nabweru in Kawempe division, died in Mulago

20.        Yawe Wesige Mukama, shot in Kawempe
To view a slide show of photos from the Kampala riots and their aftermath, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/features/uganda-riots

For more Human Rights Watch reporting on Uganda, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/africa/uganda

For more information, please contact:
In New York, Jon Elliott (English, French): +1-917-379-0713 (mobile)
In New York, Georgette Gagnon (English): +1-212-216-1223; or +1-917-535-0375 (mobile)
In Kampala, Maria Burnett (English, French): +256-7

President Museveni ordered the closure of Kabaka’s CBS FM Radio after learning that the organizers of Ssabasajja’s tour of Bugerere had used it so effectively mobilize Baganda.  By Tuesday CBS the information put out on CBS by “commander” Betty Nambooze, the chief organizers of Kabaka’s tour of Bugerere has become so effective that some Mmengo officials were estimating that a few hundred thousand people would accompany Ssabasajja. When Wednesday came, the commitments exploded, especially after rumors spread that Kabaka Mutebi told Museveni off in a phone conversation.

In a clear sign that Museveni was losing control the Banyarwanda community, who are deeply entrenched in Museveni’s intelligence agencies, announced that they support Kabaka’s visit and donated twenty lorries. Similarly, Nubians, Iteso, Basoga and other communities started calling on all their members to accompany Kabaka Mutebi to Bugerere. Even FDC’s Besigye went to CBS FM to challenge Baganda who keep saying “woligwa wendigwa” to prove their commitment by going to Kayunga; promising that he was going himself. Soon Baganda analysts were estimating that about 1 million Baganda and others would be in Kayunga on Saturday.

According to state house sources, after the Kampala riots on Thursday, Museveni was advised by Robert Kabushenga and Temale Mirundi that hell would break lose by Friday if CBS Radio was left to control the news. Museveni instructed the Rwandese chairman of the Broadcasting Council, Godfrey Mutabaazi, to switch off both CBS channels,  88.8 and 89.2. The two FM stations went off the air a little after 5:30 PM on Thursday.

The local press has quoted Buganda’s  information Minister, Medard Lubega Sseggona saying that military officials had forcefully switched off the main mast that is erected at Buziga Hill in Kampala. However, the disconnection would not affect the planned Youth Day Celebrations at Kayunga. The Kayunga celebrations are scheduled for Saturday September 12, 2009.

At the time of posting this report, the organizers had gone to Plan B, using SMS messages to continue taking directions from the Nambooze committee.

We have learnt from highly reliable sources in  President Museveni state house apparatus that the Ugandan strongman may soon disown the brutal actions of Uganda police against Baganda youths in Kayunga.  According to an email message sent through an intermediary, the source says: “Ugandans are going to be surprised when Mr. Museveni will claim that he only learnt about the problems in Kayunga  on Tuesday or Wednesday. He also intends to attack people who claim that he has anything to do with the threatening letter that his minister Kirunda Kivejinja wrote, warning Kabaka not to go to Kayunga, in Bugerere county.”

Our source could not confirm when Mr. Museveni will make the public statements but speculated that he (Museveni) might do it when he meets MPs who come from Buganda on Thursday or Friday.  As for why Museveni plans to do this the source said: “Museveni has no choice this time. He fully understands that  he underestimated the Kabaka and Baganda on this issue of Bugerere. He also knows that he overestimated the influence that Katikkiro Walusimbi and his supporters still have on Kabaka Mutebi’s decisions. The only option he has, as a military man, is a tactical withdraw. And, based on his past behavior he may blame everything on  Kirunda and [Rwandese police commander]  Kale Kayihura.” The MPs are expected to ask Museveni to explain which his government is blocking Kabaka Mutebi from freely moving in Buganda simply because 22 people demonstrated with sigs that they don’t want him to visit without first consulting their leader, who happens to be an active member of the Uganda army.

In May 2009, the Aga Khan’s The Monitor newspaper printed a Uganda government sponsored story claiming that  Kabaka Mutebi postponed his planned  tour of Kayunga, in Bugerere county, due to fear that Banyala residents might demonstrate against him (see “Kabaka Will Visit Bugerere When Youths Are Home “).  This writer established at the time that the true reason was because Kabaka was traveling to Europe on official duties.  Due to conflict with another tour of Buvuma in July/August, the Bugerere trip was finally rescheduled to start on September 12, 2009.

Since Monday, the Uganda police, under the command of Rwandese refugee Kale Kayihura, has obstructed Baganda youth trying to prepare the site for Kabaka’s main ceremonies at Kayunga. They even fired teargas canisters into the car of  Mengo officials who had gone to Kayunga to oversee  the preparations. The Police also kidnapped Baganda youths who were erecting stalls and held them incommunicado for a day. Earlier, a Musoga minister in Museveni’s government, Kirunda Kivejinja wrote to Mmengo, warning that the Kabaka should not go to Bugerere without the agreement of one Baker Kimeze, the Museveni appointed first king “Bunyala”. Museveni created the pseudo kingdoms of Buruli and Bunyala within Buganda, in direct contradiction of his own Uganda constitution, which does not recognize ‘subkingdoms’ within Buganda.

Despite Museveni’s threats and brutal police actions, Kabaka Mutebi instructed his trusted officials like, David Mpanga, Lubega Ssegona, Betty Nabooze, Kabuuza Mukasa and several others, especially in Nkoba za Mbogo, to spearhead “Operation See You in  Kayunga”.   Through these ‘warriors” Kabaka Mutebi informed his subjects that he was determined to go to Kayunga and not allow a repeat of what happened in Buruli.  According to information from the operational command post, headed by Betty Nambooze,  tens of thousands of Baganda are expected to descend on Kayunga on Saturday, based on contacts with Gombolola and Miruka chiefs across Buganda. President Museveni’s internal security organization has informed their boss of these facts. The main reason why Museveni is backing down is because he has no confidence that his police can handle the situation if they try to stop the Baganda.