On May 11, 2009 the Lukiiko (National Assembly) of Buganda sat to discuss a draft of the proposed new land law from Mr. Museveni’s government. Below the Luganda press release by the Buganda minister of Lukiiko Affairs and Information, followed by an English translation (by Buganda Post).

Reaction to the resolutions by ordinary Baganda have been mixed. On one extreme are the polititicaly aware men and women who are not afraid of President Museveni and are frustrated by, what they claim to be the cowardice reflected in the resolution. One of these is one Kampala businessman who said: “It is a shame that while our forefathers and Muteesa II died for Buganda, today’s Lukiiko is even afraid of making Museveni angry by stopping to beg him for our stolen property”. And on the opposite side are those who insist that if we carefully and respectfully tell Mr. Museveni what Buganda wants, he will one day be kind and give everything back to us. This group includes Uganda prime minister Apollo Nsibambi, Vice President Gilbert Bukenya and other staunch supporters Katikkiro JB Walusimbi and Buganda minister Charles Peter Mayiga.

EBITEESO EBIYISIDDWA OLUKIIKO LWA BUGANDA – May 11, 2009

Olukiiko lwa Buganda olutudde olwaleero nga 11 May 2009, lutegedde bulungi ya Ssabawolereza wa Gavumenti ya Ssaabasajja Kabaka ku bbago ly’enkola y’enfuga y’ettaka mu Uganda.  Oluvanyuma lw’okukubaganya ebirowoozo ebiteeso bino wamanga biyisiddwa:

1.   Newankubadde nga waliwo ensonga enkulu ezirambikiddwa mu bbago ly’enkola n’enkozesa y’ettaka eryakasembayo okufuluma, naye wakyaliwo ensonga endala enkulu ennyo eziruma Buganda ez’etaaga okwekenenya n’okukenenula n’obwegendereza nga tetunatuuka ku nzikiriziganya ey’awaamu ku nkola y’enfuga y’ettaka mu Uganda.

2.   Wakyaliwo ettaka lya Buganda lingi erikyali mu mikono gya Gavumenti eyawakati eryanyagibwa nga kyandibadde kirungi Buganda okuwa ebirowoozo ku nkola en’efuga ettaka mu Uganda, ng’ettaka eryo limaze okukomezebwawo eri bannyini lyo abatuufu nga mwemuli n’ettaka lya lukale mu Buganda erimanyiddwa nga erya Mayiro 9000, embuga z’amasaza, amagombolola emiruka n’Ebyaffe bonna omuli ne official Estates.

3.   Olukiiko lusabye Katikkiro wa Buganda ategeeze Gavumenti eya wakati eyamuwereza ebbago ly’enfuga eyo agitegeeze ebiteeso by’olukiiko bino wamu n’ensonga zonna ezirambikiddwa mu kiwandiiko kya Ssaabawolereza wa Gavumneti ya Buganda.

CHARLES PETER MAYIGA
MINISITA W’ENSONGA Z’OLUKIIKO N’AMAWULIRE

RESOLUTIONS OF THE BUGANDA LUKIIKO – MAY 11, 2009

The Buganda Lukiiko which has sat today on May 11, 2009, has fully understood the presentation by the Attorney General of Ssaabasajja Kabaka’s Government on the draft new law intended to govern land administration in Uganda. After discussion, it has been resolved as follows:

1.  Although  there are many important questions which have been addressed in the latest draft of the proposed law, many important issues that negatively affect Buganda remain, which require careful further study and analysis before we can reach comprehensive agreement on how land administration should work in Uganda.

2.  The [Uganda] central government still holds a lot of land that was stolen from Buganda and it would be nice for Buganda to participate in the debate on the law after that land has been returned to its rightful owners, and that includes the 9,000 square miles of [Buganda] native lands, real estate for ssaza (county), ggombolola (sub-county) and miruka (parish) headquarters and all that is ours (“Ebyaffe”), including office estates.

3. The Lukiiko has requested the Katikkiro of Buganda to communicate these resolutions to the [Uganda] central government which sent the draft proposed land law, along with the additional details which have been documented by the Attorney General of the Buganda Government.

CHARLES PETER MAYIGA
MINISITA W’ENSONGA Z’OLUKIIKO N’AMAWULIRE

On Thursday February 26, Katikkiro JB Walusimbi stood up president Museveni of Uganda when he did not turn up for the much publicized land negotiations between Mmengo and Museveni.  According to our sources, Walusimbi could not go because key members of his cabinet overruled him. They insisted that Mmengo must not negotiate with Museveni about giving up anything to him on his proposed Land (Amendment) Bill, 2008. They argued that it would be disobedience to Kabaka Mutebi who had publicly called it a bad bill and told all Baganda to oppose it. Equally important, they insisted that while talking to Museveni was alright, it must be about full restoration of all Buganda’s property and political rights – not begging.

The problem for Walusimbi is that he had already assured Museveni that he could bring Mmengo to the table to negotiate the contentious Land (Amendment) Bill, 2008. So when the loyal Baganda ministers put their feet down he was left in a fix. And he opted to simply hide from Museveni. One source close to Museveni’s state house told us that: “Museveni is very annoyed that Walusimbi failed to turn up.  The president was made to look like a man who was promised some gold by Congolese con men and left holding a bag full of stones. He has been asking people near him, ‘What is wrong with Baganda?’ ”

It has been widely reported by the local Buganda press that Museveni and JB Walusimbi have been engaged in secret negotiations over Buganda issues since July 2008. What we can exclusively report from a highly reliable source very close to the Katikkiro is that the negotiations primarily focused on how to soften what Museveni, Walusimbi and other NRM big wigs think is Kabaka Mutebi’s excessive power today. Mr. Museveni and the Katikkiro had reportedly reached agreements the following key areas by January 28, 2009:

1. Museveni had convinced JB Walusimbi that if Kabaka Mutebi continued to accumulate so much power over Baganda it could lead to a show down where Baganda like him (Walusimbi) were going to lose lives and their businesses. And the way to control the Kabaka’s escalating influence was to remove Nambooze, Mpanga and Ssegona from CBS Radio and give the Katikkiro more control over Mmengo.
2. Walusimbi had convinced Museveni to pay off government rent arrears owed to Mmengo and authorize another 8 billion shillings to: (1) complete Bulange Plaza, (2) complete Twekobe, (3) pay some salary arrears for Bulange employees, (4) to facilitate (bribe) key Buganda officials and certain key Bataka (clan heads) for support, (5) to settle the debt that state house owed the Katikkiro’s Associated Consulting Engineers company, and (6) to buy support from Baganda peasants by giving them money through an NRM style program called Omumuli which Walusimbi designed with Gilbert Bukenya’s support.
3. The two sides had agreed that to soften Kabaka Mutebi it was important to isolate him more from the Baganda youths who are getting more dangerous, starting with the removal of Betty Nambooze from CBS. Curiously, the two sides had also agreed that the removal of Nambooze could be made simpler if it was accompanied with the firing of highly unpopular Baganda like Tamale Mirundi or Minister Kinobe or even Nsibambi.

What Museveni and Katikkiro Walusimbi could not control are the leaks about their so called secret talks over the months. For example, rumors of Museveni’s willingness to fire Tamale Mirundi or even Nsibambi to appease Baganda first surfaced in early January 2009. Apparently the many leaks helped the intended victims to plan and execute necessary counter moves.

A New York based Muganda thought leader told this reporter that it is the leakages which probably led Museveni to panic and hold that bizarre press conference on February 10, 2009. He said:  “I think that the leaks reached the intended victims at Mmengo Bulange and they fought back with rapid fire on CBS FM radio. Indeed, my contacts tell me that after getting an ISO briefing on the public response to the February 7th Mambo Baado presentation by Mpanga and Nambooze, Museveni decided to temporarily withdraw his Land (Amendment) Bill, 2008.  In effect, ISO people told him that Nambooze and Mpanga had mobilized Baganda youth to a point where public violence was inevitable if the land bill was read in parliament. In fact, in a slip of the toungue, Museveni admitted the role Nambooze and Mpanga in his panicky decision when he told the press conference:  ‘Don’t allow anyone to mislead you that we are withdrawing the bill because of the lies told by Nambooze and Mpanga on CBS radio’.”

This is my last column on Buganda Post for the foreseeable future and it is dedicated to one of the few Baganda politicians who have the capacity to see beyond the “village chief” political system that President Museveni created in Uganda.  It  is Beti Namisango Kamya, the woman who threw a spanner in the Banyankore/Bakiga/Banyarwanda conspiracy to marginalize Baganda and make Kabaka and his subjects beggars in their own homeland. More on Beti later.

Why I am leaving and what it next for Buganda Post

It is always very difficult to say goodbye to the ones you love.  Even more so when the reasons for leaving a totally out of your control.  It is against that background that this columnist must tell you that this will be her last posting for the foreseeable future. The main reason for my leaving is financial. Our original sponsor, God bless his soul, is not able to continue funding me in this severe economic recession and I need to improve my income security urgently.  Maybe in future, when the financial situation is better, I may contribute again in some capacity.

In the meantime, I have recommended to the sponsor that we get other people whose commitment to Buganda and Ssabasajja Kabaka is unquestionable to take over Buganda Post and operate it on a more business like footing.  We have been offering everything for free, including advertising for Ttabamiruka, Red Cross, Human Rights Watch and other worthy causes.  However, I think Buganda Post has potential to sustain itself financially with several contributors and paid advertising. If you have any interest or suggestions you can contact the sponsor (Sam) on info@BugandaPost.com.

Now back to Beti Namisango Kamya

To understand the importance of what Beti has achieved since September 2008, you must first understand that Mr. Museveni, Dr. Kiiza Besigye and the rest of the Banyankore/Bakiga/Banyarwanda clique who now control all aspects of our lives were confident that they could carry on all their personal and political fights in Buganda while the Baganda were doing the water carrying for them.  In the NRM, Mr. Museveni was comfortable with his Baganda political henchmen like Apollo Nsibambi , Gilbert Bukenya and Sekandi. And, in FDC,  Dr. Besigye was hoping to match Museveni’s Baganda henchmen with Sam Njuba , Beti Kamya and (curiously) Yusuf Nsibambi.

Then, out of the blue, the soldier’s daughter saw the light! Besigye had manipulated the FDC constitution in Museveni style to bar Kamya from competing top the late Dr. Sulaiman Kiggundu as party president.  Yet Kamya had done all the heavy lifting to consolidate FDC while Besigye was hiding in South Africa. Confusion, anger and personal doubt must have followed for Beti. But it is clear that the urge to go home and serve her Kabaka in these tough times won Beti over. Around August/September 2008  Beti started her “Buganda first” message and connected with the Ttabamiruka people in America.  That  is the spanner Beti threw in the Museveni/Besigye exclusive political sports league in Uganda.  It is a “game changer”.

Beti understands what Dr. Martin Luther King was talking about

In his famous  “I Have a Dream” speech, Dr. King said:  “We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God’s children.”

I believe that my sister Beti Namisango Kamya is telling us that Buganda cannot afford the “luxury of cooling off” periods to negotiate, which Katikkiro JB Walusimbi and Mr. Museveni are forcing on us. Nor can Buganda  afford the tranquilizing drug of gradualism (“nyama ntono, okayana eri mu nkwaawa”) , the signature tactic Katikkiro Mulwanyamuli Ssemwogerere  and Museveni used to lead Baganda  into the Regional Tier abyss.

Omuzaana Beti Kamya is also addressing the “dark and desolate valley” of desperation where Buganda  has been forced by the Banyankore/Bakiga/Banyarwanda conspiracy.  A valley where foreigners can even stop Kabaka from visiting his subject in Buluuli. And I think that Beti  is telling us that, now is the time to lift our nation Buganda from the “quicksands of racial injustices” that we have suffered from Uganda party politics and will which will continue if we trust Ugandan political parties.

This columnist does not know if Beti Kamya has ever even listened to or read Dr. King’s “I Have a Dream” speech. But it is clear that she and her advisors understand what  Martin Luther King was talking about. For that I salute Beti Kamya and all other Baganda who are intelligent enough and brave enough to realize that our salvation will come from being and behaving like “Baganda first” – Uganda is now nothing but a looting spree! We must stand shoulder to shoulder with Beti Kamya, Mpanga, Nambooze, Kyanjo and all other loyal Baganda to build a internation buganda freedom movement to resist the looting of Buganda.

Ssabasajja Kabaka Awangaale.

Omulongo Nakato

Since mid-2008 the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) president Dr. Kiiza Besigye, Wafula Ogutu, Salam Musumba and other senior party officials have been politically pinned down by one woman, Beti Namisango Kamya. They have tried hard to politically destroy Beti (Lubaga North MP in Mr. Museveni’s parliament )  for “getting obsessed with Buganda”. But they seem to have failed because evidence is that she has literary sucked the air out of FDC in Buganda her “Buganda and Kabaka first!” message continues to infect frustrated Baganda youth like a virus. Consider that FDC have all but given up on holding local branch elections in Buganda because Kamya said “No”.

Kamya has given FDC a public relations fight in Buganda that they seem to have been unprepared for.  A Kampala based analyst told this writer that numerous stories have been planted in the New Vision and, much more so, in the Monitor and Red Pepper to portray Kamya as politically lost. “But they have had minimal negative effect on Beti mainly because she has stayed focused on the Buganda message.  She knows what the tens of thousands of Baganda youth are interested in, Kabaka and Buganda nationalism. So she rattles Besigye and Wafula and when they attack her with fake stories she (the martyr) only gets stronger. And the more the Baganda FDCs like Joyce Sebugwawo and Yusuf Nsibambi attack her the more they resemble Janet Mukwaya and Apollo Nsibambi working for Museveni.”

Kamya went in full gear in September 2008 after she returned from the international Baganda conference, Ttabamiruka ’08. She came back with a new message that you can also there in the Ttabamiruka ’08 Resolutions. The main ideas in Kamya’s message are that: (1) Baganda must stop being cowards and asking others to give them what is truly theirs; (2) Political parties have failed Ssabasajja Kabaka and Buganda, so Baganda must not support any party (including her FDC) except if it is willing to sign a contract to wholeheartedly support returning everything that has been stolen from Baganda; and (3) Baganda don’t owe anybody anything and must stop apologizing for who they are and start demanding their rights.

Kamya’s “Buganda first party later” message has affected not only FDC.  Certain Mmengo officials who have benefited from having a foot both in Buganda government and Uganda politics are literally panicking about the steady spread of Kamya’s message among youth and villagers in Buganda (on weekends Kamya make public speeches in various Buganda counties, staying on message ). And DP’s president in waiting Norbert Mao from Acholi (he created his name from Milton Apollo Obote) is also a a bit confused.

Then came the dramatic news yesterday that the FDC leadership who have accused Kamya of spying for Museveni using specially built laptops, selling party secrets and many other evils, had decided to only suspend her for 6 months.  During the suspension Kamya is not supposed to for or about the party.  During a press conference, FDC spokesman Wafula Ogutu, the FDC’s disciplinary committee had found Ms. Kamya guilty of violating the party’s code of conduct. Beti did not attend of attempt to defend herself to the committee.

A Muganda former support of FDC who is based in the USA has told this write by email: “Besigye, Museveni and Obote are the same people – Baganda abusers who are very nice until a bold Muganda stands up to demand his or her rights. Beti has exposed them and they are stuck. Ask yourself, if Beti is Museveni spy in FDC as Ogutu and Joyce Sebugwawo claim, why only suspend her? Why not kick her out of the party? My eyes are open now – Buganda and Kabaka first! I hope Baganda remaining in FDC or getting ready to be manipulated by Mao in DP will wake up soon too.”

As Mr. Museveni’s Presidential Press Secretary, John Tamale-Mirundi is an employee of the Government of Uganda. Furthermore, when Mirundi speaks to news and other public media on political topics without explicitly saying that it is his personal opinions, then he speaks on behalf of Mr. Museveni. Mr. Museveni’s government is now sponsoring programs on Uganda FM radio stations where Mirundi delivers venomous anti-Baganda and anti-Kabaka propaganda messages under the guise of teaching about the ugly history of Kabaka Yekka (KY) political party.

The underlying theme of Mirundi’s statement of various Kampala FM stations is to create the image that Baganda are a dangerous and violent people who committed atrocities through their political party KY. Ignoring internationally famous NRM government corruption and election violence, Tamale “teaches” his audiences that Baganda, through their Kabaka Yekka (KY) party rigged elections in 1962 and unleashed violence on their opponents. He states arbitrary number of victims, even if they are very low compared to the numerous atrocities that the government appointed Uganda Human Rights Commission has cited against Mr. Museveni’s government.

In veiled attacks on Ssekabaka Fredrick Walugembe Muteesa II, Mirundi belittles KY for having uninspired and unprofessional leadership, without vision. Ironically, Tamale-Mirundi, who represents one of the longest ruling and most corrupt African dictators, keeps telling his listeners  that “the problem with Ssekabaka Mutesa II was that he was not willing to accept any leader to be above him.”

To defend the frequent government bribing of members of Mr. Museveni’s parliament, Tamale Mirundi makes wild claims that  Ssekabaka Mutesa II also bribed MPs to make him President of Uganda. Tamale offers no evidence, only relying on the fact that in President Museveni’s Uganda, the average person thinks that rampant corruption and bribery was usual even in 1963.

When we asked a New York (USA) based Muganda thought leader to comment on Mirundi’s crusade, he warned Baganda to wake up to the fact that Mirundi’s statements could be a step towards anti-Baganda violence that might compete with the Rwanda genocide. He said: “During Ttabamiruka ’08 a few of us were concerned about symptoms of possible genocide in Buganda. Unfortunately, Katikkiro Walusimbi and his cabinet boycotted the conference, so there was no opportunity for us to engage Mmengo on this serious issue. Ironically, Museveni who had no friends at Ttabamiruka, was smart enough to send minister Nankabirwa, Tamale-Mirundi,  MP Kakooza and a few spies.

Now,  these radio lessons by Tamale sound like what Habyarimana’s government taught on radio before the Rwandese genocide. It is worrying that, abusing and belittling Baganda is slowly becoming the norm, so much that senior Baganda officials in Mr. Museveni’s government which does it (e.g. Nsibambi, Sekandi, Bukenya and others) still get a friendly reception at the highest level in Mmengo. This misplaced sense of reality among Baganda is why so many genocides come as a total shock to the victims.”

The Muganda professional pointed us to a section of www.Wikipedia.com which speaks about how Habyarimana’s government used the media in the Rwanda Genocide. Below is part of the Wikipedia information (for more go to Rwanda Genocide on Wikipedia-Media Propaganda):

Media Propaganda

According to recent commentators the news media played a crucial role in the genocide: local print and radio media fuelled the killings, while the international media either ignored or seriously misconstrued events on the ground. The print media in Rwanda is believed to have started hate speech against Tutsis which was later continued by radio stations. According to commentators anti-Tutsi hate speech “became so systemic as to seem the norm.” The state-owned newspaper Kangura had a central role, starting an anti-Tutsi and anti-RPF campaign in October 1990. In the ongoing International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, the individuals behind Kangura have been accused of producing leaflets in 1992 picturing a machete and asking “What shall we do to complete the social revolution of 1959?” – a reference to the Hutu revolt that overthrew the Tutsi monarchy and the subsequent politically orchestrated communal violence that resulted in thousands of mostly Tutsi casualties and forced roughly 300,000 Tutsis to flee to neighboring Burundi and Uganda. Kangura also published the infamous “10 Hutu Commandments,” which called upon Hutus to massacre Tutsis, and more generally communicated the message that the RPF had a devious grand strategy (one feature article was titled “Tutsi colonization plan”).

On September 11, 2008 this columnist credited president Museveni inspired Baganda bashing for the emergency of a new breed of Muganda. Kabaka Mutebi, the most important of all Baganda, had gotten fade up and sent the signal to Baganda to relentlessly fight for their land and political rights. And sensing this new tone from their Kabaka, many Baganda, led by the youth and those in the diaspora crystallized into  this new Muganda who will not be cowed. It now appears that the new Muganda is starting to tell the Baganda bashers, “Payback time is coming!”

September and October 2008 have witnessed exponential growth in Buganda bashing and overt discrimination against Baganda in jobs and government. Emails forwarded to this columnist from Internet discussion groups such as UgandansAtHeart and UNAANET spew increasingly hostile verbal attacks against Baganda.  The worst abuse comes from Banyankore, Bakiga and Banyarwanda. And some comes from Museveni’s Baganda agents. Some political analysts attribute the anti-Baganda surge to the massive spending by President Museveni. He spent millions to kill the Buganda Independence celebrations and to muzzle the so called Mmengo radicals. He has also allocated a few hundred thousand dollars to keep control over the UNAA Convention in Chicago and to kill Ttabamiruka ’09 in Boston.

The story told by one Semakula (other names omitted on request) in an email to this columnist illustrates the extent of the hatred against Baganda. Semakula went for a job interview earlier in October. When it was the turn of one Munyankore member of the interview panel, he skipped the questions and simply told off Semakula. In Semakula’s words, “He abused me and asked me why I don’t go to Kabaka to employ me; and he assured me that there was no job for me. I got paralyzed but prayed to God that may be some day we shall liberate ourselves.”

Baganda have been pushed against the wall by experiences such that of Semakula above; that is why they now are openly telling their tormentors and their collaborators that payback time may be around the corner. When the organizers of Ttabamiruka ‘07 disowned occupation collaborators Kintu Musoke, Tamale Mirundi and Aisha Kabanda, they were saying, “It’s payback time collaborators.” When Dick Kasolo and Baganda youth’s pulled the microphone away from Kahinda (The Ugly) Otafiire at the funeral of late MP Winnie Makumbi, the new Muganda was saying, “It’s payback time tormentors.” When Apollo (Bampaane) Nsibambi was stopped from addressing mourners at the funeral services for late Haji Sulaiman Kiggundu, the same new Muganda was warning, “It’s payback time, showoff guy.”

The new Muganda is not letting up. During the October 11, 2008 edition of the CBS FM Radio program Mambo Baado, Baganda youths in the audience chased away Museveni’s RDC for Mpigi, Katenda Luutu, because “he is part of the government that stopped Kabaka Mutebi from going to Nakasongola.” This act shocked Museveni so much that he instructed Kale Kaihura, the inspector of Uganda police, to interrogate Ssozi Kaddu Mukasa and establish what really happened. And Katenda Luutu’s security has been beefed up.

The latest dramatic “payback time” message from the new Muganda was delivered on October 17, 2008 in Kiwatule, near Ntinda. That is where Muluuli Mukasa, Museveni’s former security minister and front man on Buluuli lives. Earlier in the week, Baganda residents of the area, led by Kabaka’s village chief (not the same as Museveni’s LC 1), had delivered a letter to Mukasa Muluuli’s home. The letter summoned him to attend an October 17, 2008 meeting and defend himself against “rumors” that he was involved in stopping Kabaka Mutebi from visiting Nakasongola. Mukasa Muluuli did not come but sent a message that he was out of town but would meet them as soon as he returned. In the meantime though, this columnist has learnt from a reliable Uganda government source that Mukasa Muluuli is scared and has requested Museveni  for more security, starting with getting him a car. He cites newspaper reports that quoted the villagers as saying, “We don’t want Muluuli Mukasa to live among us when some of the villagers view him as an enemy, especially considering that he regularly travels at night on foot or by taxi through the village.”

Baganda have a proverb, “Ebibimba bikka” (“Whatever goes up come down”). This columnist argues that  President Museveni started coming down in 1998, the day he started his campaign to grab Buganda land through the Land Act which Baganda heavily protested.  That is when he started genuine loss of support among Baganda. He started the bashing as a defensive move against Baganda resistance but now it has produced this new Muganda. The new Muganda is on his way to become ungovernable by outsiders like Museveni. And the new Muganda is starting to quietly say, “Payback time” to Museveni’s collaborators. The big question is: Will all Baganda bashers be able to ask for protection from Museveni like Muluuli Mukasa? Why not simply stop the senseless Baganda bashing?

Prime Minister Prof Apollo Nsibambi of Uganda shocked his family and Baganda, in general, when he disowned his supposed cultural norms and declared a daughter his heir (musika). Nsibambi, who is reported to be fighting a bout of severe depression, chose a conference on population policy at Sheraton Kampala to declare his daughter, Rhoda, his official musika. Among Baganda, it is taboo for a person to have a musika who is not of the same sex and clan.

One Muganda elder who went to Mengo School with Nsibambi,  told this reporter that Museveni’s prime minister is a very selfish man. Quote: “Since he was a small boy Apollo has been a self-centered ‘kabandabe’ (show-off) person. In primary school, he used to do very selfish things such as telling lies about classmates to gain teachers’ favors. Even at university level, he relied more on people manipulation skills than on his raw brains. His problem now is that today’s Baganda see through him, and his master Museveni knows it too. It is the ‘kabandabe’ inferiority complex mixed with insecurity that made him name the daughter as a musika. But now it is the daughter and her husband and children who will be stigmatized for the rest of their lives. Can a 70 year old be more selfish than that?”.

Every Muganda like Nsibambi belongs to a clan; the clan of his or her father. In Baganda culture, an adult person never fully dies because after his or her death a person of the same clan and sex is selected to become the deceased’s musika. Typically a person chooses their heir. Their child, grandchild, brother, cousin or nephew for men. And a sister, cousin or niece for women. This custom is called okusikira (to replace). It is so important to Baganda that even if a 10 year old female cousin becomes musika to the mother of a 46 year old, he publically refers to her as “my mother”.

It is important to note that the okusikira custom is independent of property inheritance rights. For hundreds of years Baganda men without have willed large proportions of their wealth to their daughters without naming them the musika. Baganda women have historically done it even more, often giving virtually everything to their daughters and sons and only a token of appreciation to the official musika.

From the time Buganda rejected Mr. Museveni’s plan to introduce the Regional Tier system and an elected Katikkiro in the kingdom, the Ugandan president has orchestrated a multi pronged “scorched earth” campaign to destroy Buganda. The writing is on the wall for all with eyes to see.

First, Mr. Museveni is reported to have invested millions of United States dollars in getting rid of Katikkiro Muliika, mostly in bribes to current and former Mmengo officials and a few clan leaders to undermine Muliika.  Then he opened the Land Act amendment onslaught, combined with the ferrying of thousands of armed Balaalo and foreigners onto Buganda’s native public lands (9,000 square miles). He even went ahead started publishing an official government  map of Uganda which name Kigezi, Bunyoro, Acholi, Busoga, etc. but identify Buganda as “central region”.  This column has reliably learnt that Mr. Museveni’s extensive network among Buganda opinion leaders also helped him to covertly get Engr. J. B. Walusimbi become Katikkiro. So, it is not by accident that Engr. Walusimbi’s appointment was much praised by Museveni, his vice president Bukenya and his prime minster Nsibambi or that Museveni strongly supports Walusimbi’s unpopular plans for Kabaka/Museveni negotiations and for mortgaging Kabaka’s Lubiri to dubious Ugandan and foreign investors.

But probably the most dangerous aspect of Mr. Museveni’s 2 year anti Buganda campaign is his use of government resources to build anti-Buganda feelings, even hatred, among other Uganda communities. For about 5 years he has used Mukasa Muruli, Atwooki Kasirivu, Kahinda Otafiire, David Tinyefuza,  Ofwono Opondo and other agents to fan hatred, which, if ignored could lead anti-Baganda genocide. He has created artificial kingdoms within Buganda to undermine Kabaka Mutebi. And more recently, he seems to be constructing a Bunyoro-Busoga-Ankole axis to fight Buganda (See “Some Basoga Scared of Museveni’s Cows“).

So, the question is, could Mr. Museveni’s 2 year campaign to demonize Baganda and make them vulnerable to genocidal attacks have a positive side?  The answer is, yes. First, and most important, Kabaka Mutebi can no longer be misled by compromised officials at Mmengo that Mr. Museveni loves Buganda, as it happened with Regional Tier deal. Second, tens of thousands of Baganda youth who now have little else to lose are now fully committed to protecting Buganda. And the more intelligent among Baganda in the diaspora are also fired up to invest in the future of their motherland.

Thanks to Mr. Museveni’s relentless effort to push Buganda against the wall it is also now evident that Baganda, starting with those living overseas, are starting to define their own agenda for the future. And this agenda is no longer about Federo, LC 5 or Regional Tier. It is about fundamental human rights for to self-determination.

This columnist argues that without Mr. Museveni’s intense 2 year campaign against Buganda, historical milestones like the massive Bulange demonstrations against the arrest of Nambooze, Mayiga and Lubega or the resolutions passed by Baganda at Ttabamiruka ’08 would not have come to pass.  Born out of Mr. Museveni’s program to destroy Buganda is the new Muganda: bold, fed up, loyal to Kabaka, proud of clan and ready to accept nothing but freedom to self-determination. This Muganda is walking around in Kampala, Masaka and Nagalama by the thousands. And the same Muganda recently attended Ttabamiruka ’08 by the hundreds and resolved that Baganda must never beg for anything from Mr. Museveni again. Sounds like a positive side to me.