On September 11, 2009, the United States Department of State issued a statement, warning U.S. citizens about traveling to Uganda. The statement casually refers to Buganda as “a vestige of a pre-modern kingdom located in central Uganda, inclusive of Kampala”. This attitude is remarkably similar to the one that the American and several European embassies in Rwanda had towards the Tutsi rebels months before the 1994 genocide.

The U. S. State Department statement is shown in full below:

Travel Alert

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Bureau of Consular Affairs

The Department of State alerts U.S. citizens to the violent demonstrations stemming from political friction between the central government and the authorities of Buganda, which is a vestige of a pre-modern kingdom located in central Uganda, inclusive of Kampala.  This Travel Alert expires on November 10, 2009.

As a result of these demonstrations, travel within the downtown central business district of Kampala and surrounding areas is severely restricted, and U.S. citizens should be aware that spontaneous demonstrations can occur without notice.  This potential for violent demonstrations will remain throughout the weekend of September 12-13, and may extend into the following week.

The Kampala-Entebbe road that connects the Entebbe International Airport and Kampala was closed several times on September 10, and some roads leading north from Kampala were sporadically closed.  These sporadic closures are expected to continue to occur through the weekend, and perhaps beyond.  This means travel to and from the airport may be severely restricted and may cause lengthy delays.  U.S. citizens planning to travel out of Entebbe International Airport should be sure to give themselves at least four (4) hours to get to the airport from Kampala.

U.S. citizens should be aware that even peaceful gatherings and demonstrations can turn unexpectedly violent.  U.S. citizens in Uganda should remain aware of their surroundings, monitor and assess their own security situations at all times, and avoid large public gatherings, protests, and demonstrations.  U.S. citizens are encouraged to report unusual events or activities to the U.S. Embassy.

U.S. citizens with questions or concerns may telephone the Consular Section of the U.S. Mission in Uganda at (256) (0) (414) 259 791 or (256) (0) (414) 306 001.  In the case of an emergency outside business hours, or during any suspension of public services, U.S. citizens may reach the U.S. Mission duty officer at the same numbers.

For the latest security information, citizens living or traveling abroad should regularly monitor the Department’s Bureau of Consular Affairs internet website at: http://travel.state.gov/, where the current Worldwide Caution, Travel Alerts, Travel Warnings, and Country Specific Information can be found.  Up-to-date information on security can also be obtained by calling 1-888-407-4747 toll free in the U.S. and Canada, or, for callers outside the U.S. and Canada, a regular toll line at 1-202-501-4444.  These numbers are available from 8 a.m. to 8 p.m. Eastern Time, Monday through Friday (except U.S. Federal Holidays).

U.S. citizens are advised to register and update their contact information with the U.S. Mission in Kampala.  The U.S. Embassy is located at Plot 1577 Ggaba Road.  The phone number is (256) (0) (414) 306 001 or (256) (0) (414) 259 791, fax (256) (0) (414) 258 451, email: KampalaUSCitizen@state.gov, and U.S. Embassy Kampala website: http://kampala.usembassy.gov.

On July 17, 2009 the Secretary General for the Democratic Party (DP) UK and Ireland Chapter issued a press release condemning the arrest of DP presidential aspirant, Samuel Lubega, by Mr. Museveni’s government. This writer have not been able to independently confirm the arrest of Mr. Lubega. However, the arrrest, tear gasing and general harrassment of Baganda DP candidates is as routine as voting itself during Uganda election seasons.

Below is the full text of the DP UK and Ireland chapter, without editing.

DP PRESS REALESE

Date: 17 July 2009.

The repeated unlawful Arrest of Democratic Party (DP) Presidential Candidate Samuel Lubega

DP Presidential aspirant, Samuel Lubega, has today Friday 17 July, been arrested for the second time this week, along with others, but it is not clear at the moment if and what charges have been preferred against them. Constitutionally, charges must be brought against them within 48 hours from the time of arrest. The current regime in Kampala is however known not to tolerate any form of dissent and oppositionists are regularly stopped from holding peaceful meetings, arrested and prosecuted on spurious charges, such as holding illegal rallies, obstructing police in the course of their duty and disrupting business and traffic. Indeed, earlier this week, Samuel Lubega and 19 others were arrested and charged with these very offences.

Mr. Lubega and the Democratic Party Activists were arrested by armed security personnel in the constituency office of the area DP Member of Parliament Mr. Muhammad Kawuma who had organised a meeting to sensitise his constituents on the Kampala Capital City Bill. If passed into law, this bill will deny millions of Kampala residents the right to elect their own representatives.

Members of DP UK & Ireland Chapter reiterate their condemnation in the strongest terms possible the repeated unlawful and arbitrary arrest of the DP Presidential Aspirant along with others, which amounts to political persecution.

Mr. Lubega is being held at Entebbe Police Station alongside the Activists of the Democratic Party. The activists were physically tortured and manhandled by the Security Personnel.

Members of the DP UK & Ireland Chapter expect and demand that there be unrestricted and unfettered access to Samuel Lubega and the activists by their families, legal representatives and friends in accordance with the laws of Uganda as well as international law.  We urge the government to ensure that any trial is conducted in accordance with the international standards of fair trial.

Members of the DP UK & Ireland Chapter will hold President Museveni personally responsible for the well-being, safety and lives of Mr Lubega and the DP Activists while they are in detention.

Additionally, the Security Minister Hon. Amama Mbabazi, Co-ordinator of Security Services in the President’s Office General David Tinyefuza, Minister of Internal Affairs Hon. Kirunda Kiveijinja, the Inspector General of Police General Kale Kaihura and the Officer in Charge of the arresting police Station, as people sharing personal responsibility with the President for the personal safety, health and life of Samuel Lubega as well as that of the DP Activists.

Members of the DP UK & Ireland Chapter are aware of acts of poisoning and death of political prisoners during or after detention by State Security agents in Uganda and they are deeply concerned about the continued unlawful arrest and detention, intimidation, harassment and torture of Ugandans seeking to exercise their constitutional rights.

Derek Mutema

Secretary General DP UK and Ireland Chapter.

Members of the Olara Otunnu led Campaign for Democracy and Justice in Uganda (CDJ) have explained that the participation of the 4 well known American Baganda is because, during “Ttabamiruka 07 in New Brunswick, New Jersey, the Kabaka of Buganda urged Baganda to work for the acquisition of good governance, we need in Uganda, through seeking alliances and friendship with other ethnicities in Uganda.”

The CDJ document, sent to Buganda Post by Professor Aloysious Lugira, was responding to the posting by Buganda Post contributor, Bijugo Lumu, titled “UPC’s Olara Otunnu Enters ‘Mukago’ With America Baganda”.

The CDJ statement is shown below, without any editing.

Campaign for Democracy and Justice in Uganda
CDJ

CDJ is an organization which belongs to the members of this association. On July 15, 2009 on the Buganda Post website an article written by Chris Bijugo Lumu was published. It was in reaction to a CDJ Press Release dated July 11, 2009, which appeared on the occasion of President Barack’s Accra/Ghana speech. Seeming as if Mr. Chris Bijugo Lumu was reacting out of some sort of hunch, a feeling or suspicion not based on facts, gave his article the title of “UPC’s Olara Otunnu Enters ‘Mukago’ With America Baganda”. He continued on with such allegations that “Olara Otunnu..secured a deal (“mukago”) with respected foreign based Baganda to promote his presidential candidacy”, among other statements.

It is unfortunate that Mr.Lumu chose to comment on the CDJ Press Release July 11, 2009 the way he did. His comments betray the impressions that he did not give a thourough reading of the document. Or if it could have been the case that he was not clear about what he read, he was never bothered to consult the indicated contacts at the end of the Press Release.

Mr. Lumu should do proud to Buganda if he would care to take some refresher courses on the vital Social Anthropology of Buganda. To establish omukago does not mean to “secure a deal” with the sense of okuliira mu kavuyo as his context seem to be implying. CDJ is not about entering mukago as may be reflected in the unfortunate doings of the nineteen sixties. Here we are about associating for the sake of contributing to the return of political sanity in Uganda.

Mr. Lumu emphasizes that “Olara Otunnu, secured a deal with respected foreign based Baganda to promote his presidential candidacy”. In the Press Release it is made categorically clear that “CDJ will not support any parties or candidates in the forthcoming electoral contests. Its preoccupation is to mount a vigorous campaign for genuinely free and fair elections, with a level playing field for all.” http://www.bugandapost.com/main/archives/436
The CDJ is not composed of only the five interim office bearers of the Association. There are many other Ugandans of a variety of backgrounds who are members of CDJ. The four Baganda who on an interim basis are at the head of the organization are there with full knowledge of the intentions of CDJ. Mr. Lumu points out that “CDJ leadership is clearly dominated by Baganda who are known to put Buganda and Kabaka first”. It is true.But these Baganda are there not to dominate, but to serve, with the view in mind of building for the future. In his Keynote speech at Ttabamiruka 07 in New Brunswick, New Jersey, the Kabaka of Buganda urged Baganda to work for the acquisition of good governance, we need in Uganda, through seeking alliances and friendship with other ethnicities in Uganda. http://www.ttabamiruka07.com

Signed by:
Mr. Olara A. Otunnu (Interim Chairman)
Mr. James Ssemakula (Interim Deputy Chairman)
Mr. John Mayanja (Interim President)
Mr. Mubiru Musoke (Interim Treasurer)
Professor Aloysius M.M. Lugira (Interim Secretary)
For further information, contact:
Professor Aloysius M.M. Lugira
Tel: 617-552-3539 or 781-439-3875
E-mail: lugira.cdj@gmail.com or lugira@bc.edu

Following in the footsteps of Milton Obote and Yoweri Museveni, UPC’s Olara Otunnu has, over the last 6 months, secured a deal (“mukago”) with respected foreign based  Baganda to promote his presidential candidacy. According to a press release dated July 11, 2009, Mr. Otunnu, an Acholi, has been joined four USA based Baganda men,  James Ssemakula (California), John Mayanja (Massachusetts), Mubiru Musoke (Massachusetts) and  Aloysius Lugira (Massachusetts) to form the Campaign for Democracy and Justice in Uganda (CDJ). According to our sources in New York, this is a major step in Mr. Otunnu’s plan to sell himself as the next savior for Baganda – following Obote, Amin, Okello and Museveni.

All Mr. Otunnu’s Baganda partners, with the exception of James Ssemakula, are long-term DP activists and it is not yet clear how their new relationship with UPC’s designated 2011Uganda  presidential candidate might affect their politics.  Additionally, Otunnu’s Baganda partners are all old men over 50 years old who have lived out of Uganda for decades. Interestingly, Mr. Otunnu has not included any of his many American based fellow Acholi’s in this group. Yet his UPC political and security infrastructure in Uganda is getting constructed exclusively by Acholis and anti Miria Obote Langis.

The CDJ leadership is clearly dominated by Baganda who are known to put Buganda and Kabaka first.  However, their press release does not even include the word “Buganda”.  Some Buganda watchers might interpret this as a sign that, like Nsibambi, Gilbert Bukenya, Sekandi and Kiddu Makubya, the CDJ Baganda members fear that direct promotion of Buganda interests would be “tribalistic” and embarrassing.

The press release announcing the formation of Mr. Otunnu’s CDJ is reproduced in full below:

—

PRESS RELEASE
 
Ugandans Launch Campaign for Free and Fair Elections
 
Kampala, Boston, London, Toronto
 
11th July, 2009
 
Today a broad spectrum of Ugandans launched a major national and international campaign for free and fair elections in Uganda. This collective patriotic mission is called Campaign for Democracy and Justice in Uganda (CDJ).
 
The interim president of CDJ, Mr. John Mayanja, stated: “Previous elections conducted by the Museveni regime, which has been in power for 24 years, were massively rigged and manifestly lacked a level playing field. We must absolutely change this. This is the primary reason for the formation and launching of CDJ.”
 
CDJ will campaign for the following norms and standards:
 
. genuinely free and fair elections;
. transparent democratic practice and process;
. the rule of law and accountability;
. justice and equity for all Ugandans;
. national unity.

 
These norms and standards constitute the foundation for democracy and good government in Uganda and worldwide.
 
CDJ is not a political party. It is a non-partisan advocacy project committed to advancing the norms, principles, and standards set out above. CDJ is not affiliated with any particular political parties in Uganda; it is a broad-based network of Ugandan patriots, within the country and in the Diaspora, of diverse political affiliations and persuasion.
 
A particularly important date is approaching on the Ugandan political calendar. The country is preparing to hold national elections in 2011. CDJ will not support any parties or candidates in the forthcoming electoral contests. Its preoccupation is to mount a vigorous campaign for genuinely free and fair elections, with a level playing field for all.
 
The interim chairman of CDJ, Olara A. Otunnu noted: “Today, Uganda is a country in the throes of a grave national crisis and distress. The best way to combat this malaise is the institution of genuine democratic practice and process, beginning with free and fair elections. This would allow the Ugandan people to freely choose and shape their own destiny. It would ensure that leaders are held fully accountable for their actions before the law and the electorate. Democratic process also is the best way to prevent resort to violent conflict.”
 
CDJ calls on Ugandan patriots of all hues, both within the country and in the Diaspora, to come together and mount a robust campaign for free and fair elections in 2011. The interim secretary, Professor Aloysius Lugira stated: “The norms and standards for free and fair elections are now universally accepted. Uganda must not continue to be a perennial exception to universally accepted standards”.

This campaign is in support of the demands for electoral reforms which have been jointly tabled by the political parties in Uganda. The campaign is being launched today on the occasion of President Barack Obama’s speech in Accra; we are inspired by his seminal message, in particular on free and fair elections, accountability, anti-corruption, anti-ethnic sectarianism, anti-nepotism, and equitable opportunity, as indispensable components of democratic governance. Significantly this campaign also echoes and is in line with observations and recommendations made in 2006 by all election observers, including the European Union, the Commonwealth, and Ugandan civil society led by the Uganda Joint Christian Council (UJCC) and the ruling of the Supreme Court of Uganda.
 
2011 must inaugurate a new era for Uganda–an era of free and fair elections, with a level playing field. Ugandans demand, deserve and will accept nothing less. As President Barack Obama stated today, “History is on the side of these brave Africans.”
 
Signed by:
 
Mr. Olara A. Otunnu (Interim Chairman)
Mr. James Ssemakula (Interim Deputy Chairman)
Mr. John Mayanja (Interim President)
Mr. Mubiru Musoke (Interim Treasurer)
Professor Aloysius Lugira (Interim Secretary)
 
For further information, contact:
 
Mr. Jude Mbabaali
Foundation for African Development [FAD]
P.O. Box 2326, Kampala
Tel: 041 4510 486/041 4269 562
Mobile: 0772 444 663
Email: mbabaalij@yahoo.com; fad@infocom.co.ug
 
Professor Aloysius Lugira
Tel: 617-552-3539 or 781-439-3875.
Email: lugira.cdj@gmail.com; lugira@bc.edu

A source in the Namirembe Diocese of the Church of Uganda (Church of Buganda) has confirmed to this writer that the new bishop of the diocese received a letter warning him of a conspiracy by foreigners to steal church property. The new bishop is Wilberforce Kityo Luwalira, who was consecrated on May 31, 2009. Our source, who spoke on condition anonymity for fear of reprisals, also confirmed that the letter is supposed to have come from one Asumani Balwaana Kaama of the Union of Councils for Ggwanga Mujje. However, the source could not verify if the letter received is identical to the one which Buganda Post had received around the same time.

The version which was sent to Buganda Post congratulates Luwalira on his advancement to become the head of the Anglican Church of Buganda. Then begs him resist all expected attempts by President Museveni to compromise him, starting with a personal car gift. Then it warns him of coming pressure from Archibishop Orombi of Uganda to use Buganda church land for “projects” and to place Banyankore and other foreigners into key positions within the Church of Buganda. Finally, the Union of Councils for Ggwanga Mujje pleads with the bishop to immediately stop allowing political speeches in Buganda Anglican churches, which demeans the institution and serves to divide and divert Baganda from their common national interests.

The Luganda letter which Buganda Post received is reporoduced below without translation.

 
Namirembe Diocese
P.O.Box 14297
Kampala, Uganda
 
June 11, 2009

Ssebo Omulabirizi Kityo Luwalira,

N’obuwombeefu tukwaniriza era tukukulisa okutuuka ku bukulembeze bwe Kanisa mu bwakabaka bwa Buganda. Obwesigwa e Kanisa, Ssaabasajja, n’Endiga za Katonda bwebakutaddemu kintu kikulu nnyo ekye’kitiibwa nga ate kya buvunanyizibwa.

Ebiro bino abalabe ba Lutikko beyongedde obungi. Era ssebo gy’otabadde e Kanisa yaffe kata bagitwaale, abantu bano ab’obulabe ekigendererwa kyabwe tebanakivaako. Twagadde okukozesa omukisa guno nga wakatandika obuvunanyizibwa bwo nga Omulabirizi we Namirembe tukusibire entanda:

1. Omukulembeze wa Yuganda Yoweri Museveni oba abaleebesibe bajja kugezaako okukugulirira – ekintu kino Museveni yakitandika na kusuubiza nga bwajja okukugulira emotoka. Ssebo gakuwebwa munno! Emotoka eyo togikkiriza nga ggwe omuntu – Bishop Wilberforce Kityo Luwalira. Olukukwasanga emotoka eyo, kaada yayo nga etekebwa mu mannya g’obulabirizi bwe Namirembe. Era tusaba nawe okirangirire lwattu mu Kanisa Lutikko nti Gavumenti ya Yuganda yatonedde obulabirizi bwe Namirembe emotoka; obanyonnyole nti emotoka si yiyo.
 
2. Ssaabalabirizi w’eKanisa mu Yuganda Henry Luke Orombi oba abatume be bajja kujja bakusabe ettaka ly’eKanisa eryagiweebwa Ssabasajja; katugambe nga bagamba nti baagala bateekeko “projects” ate bave awo ettaka eryo baliteeke mu manya ga “project” – oba ebintu ebifananako bwebityo ebinaabasobozesa okubba ettaka lye Kanisa ya Buganda. Ssebo tukusaba ettaka ly’ekanisa mu Buganda olikuume butiribiri.
 
3. Tukimanyi nti Yoweri Museveni n’abatume be bajja kutuukilira nga baagala osooke okulonda oba okussa Abanyankole oba abantu abalala aba NRM mu bifo eby’obuvunanyizibwa munda mu Kanisa ye Namirembe. Tukusaba oleme kwesembereza nkola g’eno. Buli omu akimanyi nti tewali muganda ayinza kuweebwa mulimu mu makanisa g’eMbarara, Toro, Busoga, e.t.c. N’olwekyo olina okulaba nga Namirembe tasenserwa bannabyabufuzi oba abagwiira abagenda okugisekeeterera nga basinzidde munda mwayo. Bajjajjafe balwaana nyo okukuma Namirembe okuviira ddala mu 1890, nawe ky’ovude osobodde okugisangawo. Tukusaba ojjukirenga nti Namirembe Kanisa ya Buganda era n’ebyobugagga byonna (ttaka, bizimbe, masomero, mayumba, malwarilo, e.t.c) bya Namirembe so ssi Church of Uganda.
 
4. Tuli benyamivu lwa nsonga nti tutandise okulaba omuze gw’okufuula Lutikko akadaala k’ebyobufuzi. Namirembe atandise omuze gw’okuddira ba naby’obufuzi nemubakkiriza okwogerera ku kituuti mu Kanisa nga bwebagala. N’obuwombeefu, tukusaba gwe nga Omulabirizi omuze guno gukome. Teguweesa Kanisa kitiibwa, okujjako okwawulayawula mu ndiga za mukama. Tewali nsonga yonna lwaki ab’ebyobufuzi basinziira mu Kanisa yaffe okukuba pokopoko wabwe, aleeta enjawukana mu bantu ba Ssaabasajja. Tukusaba olabe nti omuze guno gukoma.

Ssebo omulabirizi tukwebaza emirimu gy’okoledde e Kanisa n’Obuganda. Naye wootaali, olutalo luno twalulwaana okulaba nti tebatusiba balabirizi betutamanyi nsibuko zaabwe. Ebbaluwa yaffe gyetwawandiikira Ssaabalabirizi Orombi ku saawa yakazzigizzigi nga n’omukulembeze Yoweri Museveni yafunako, yiiyo wansi gyesomere.

Tuli bamalirivu era twewaddeyo okutunula omuntu yenna mu munnye anagezaako okukyusa obwanannyini bw’ebintu bya Namirembe ne Buganda nga Ssaabasajja awamu n’Obuganda nga tebasiimye. Okwo kuba kulya lukwe mu Bwakabaka bwa Buganda. Ekibonerezo kyomusango ng’ogwo kimanyiddwa buli Muganda.

Awangaale Ssaabasajja Kabaka wa Buganda.
Asumani Balwaana Kaama
Union of Councils for Ggwanga Mujje

Louise Edwards
Programme Officer – Access to Justice (East Africa)
Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, New Delhi

The United Nations Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Professor Philip Alston, presented his detailed report on Kenya at the recent 11th Session of the UN Human Rights Council.  In an extraordinary week of political maneuvering, reinforcing the internal tension that plagues Kenya’s Grand Coalition Government, the Kenyan delegation responded with an oral statement to the Council that contradicted their earlier written response. Having initially denied Professor Alston’s accusations of the widespread and systematic use of extrajudicial killings by the Kenya Police Force, the delegation conceded that there is a problem, but stopped short of acknowledging Government complicity.

The proceedings and outcomes at the 11th Session have received much local and international press.  Now, two weeks later, the focus must shift to action taken by the Kenyan Government to address the issues raised by Professor Alston and the fall out from the publication of his report, which included the killing of two human rights defenders that had previously cooperated with his mandate.  Despite the eventually positive response from the Kenyan delegation in Geneva, early signs of action are not necessarily promising.

Professor Alston’s report articulated what concerned local and international organisations have been saying about the Kenya Police Force for many years and which the Government failed to acknowledge until their oral statement to the Council – that extrajudicial killings are part of the policing landscape in Kenya. The oral statement also contained a public acknowledgement of Kenya’s weak police oversight mechanisms, the need to establish a local independent police commission and assurances that no human rights defenders would be intimidated or harassed as a result of their cooperation with the UN Special Procedures mandate-holders.

Nevertheless, it remains to be seen whether the promising outcomes in Geneva will translate into credible action in Nairobi.  Successive promises of reform articulated in a number of strategies and processes over the past 10 years have not been completed or sustained by the Kenya Government.  Kenyans continue to be policed by an organisation that lacks sufficient accountability structures, fails to protect or uphold basic human rights and is continually subject to illegitimate political interference.  Millions of dollars have been invested in the development and publication of commission reports, task force findings and reform strategies without any genuine steps by the Government to implement systemic reform.

The concerning state of policing in Kenya has received significant national and international attention over the past 18 months.  The police response to the 2007 post-election violence brought the issue of political partisanship, impunity and brutality to the fore.  The Waki Commission report into the violence strongly recommended comprehensive reform of the Kenya Police Force and Administration Police and Professor Alston’s report reinforced the brutal and corrupt practices that have been permitted to flourish by the unreformed, colonial policing model. 

Police reform is a daunting and long term process.  It requires substantial law reform, a radical shift in policing culture from one of impunity to accountability and the restoration of trust between police and the community.  None of these urgent reforms will happen in Kenya without the political and financial commitment of the Government to undertake reforms of this scope.  The recent establishment by the President of a special Police Reform Task Force represents a positive step towards delivering credible advances.  However, the Government must translate the Task Force’s recommendations into actual reform that goes beyond improving operational capacity to address governance, accountability and legal structures.  Otherwise the Task Force, for all its good intention, will become another failed reform vehicle.

Drawing on the previous recommendations and those foreshadowed to appear in the current Task Force findings, the Government should implement the following minimum reforms:

• Constitutional and legislative amendments that clearly separate the operational control of the police from the direct control from the political Executive and provide for transparency in monitoring police performance and conduct,
• Strengthening internal and external oversight mechanisms, including the enactment of legislation and budgetary allocation to give full effect to the Police Oversight Board plus the establishment of an independent complaints mechanisms,
• Establish a clear demarcation between the role of the Kenya Police Force and the Administration Police,
• Improve police human rights training and resourcing to strengthen human rights compliance and operational effectiveness in the prevention, detection and investigation of crime, and
• Establish clear legislative guidelines on the use of force, torture and adherence to basic due process that accord with Kenya’s existing obligations under international law.

If the Government is serious about reforming the police, a commitment to implementing past and current recommendations is not enough.  It must also take immediate steps that both demonstrate its firm commitment to reform and restore public confidence in the reform process.  A positive first action should be the investigation, prosecution and punishment of those police officers who commit or acquiesce to illegal acts including, but not limited to, those responsible for the 2007 post-election violence and the perpetrators of extrajudicial killings.

Other immediate steps must include measures to implement the Government’s guarantee of protection to individuals who have been intimidated or subject to retribution for their cooperation with the UN Special Procedures mandate-holders.  Human rights defenders, including members of the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights have been subject to threats and some have been forced to flee Kenya.  The high profile execution of two prominent human rights defenders, who cooperated with Professor Alston, and the failure by the police and Government to identify those responsible, highlights the inadequacy of protection and security for human rights defenders.  While Kenya has a witness protection programme, reform is urgently required to ensure the integrity of its internal processes (including accountability, Executive control and information storage and sharing) before those who are most in need of protection will have confidence in the systems that are designed to deliver it. 

The 2007 post-election violence, followed by the findings in Professor Alston’s report, and the tragic consequences for human rights defenders who cooperated with his mandate, have kept the problems with Kenyan policing firmly in the international spotlight.  Whether the political will to commit to genuine reform is present in the Grand Coalition Government remains to be seen, but what is clear to the international community is that the need for police reform is more crucial than ever.

The Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI) is an independent, non-partisan, international NGO working for the practical realisation of human rights in the countries of the Commonwealth.
www.humanrightsinitiative.org

According a Bank of Uganda (BOU) source, the value of Uganda Shilling against the US Dollar is expected to continue a steady slide downward for a while. A banking officer in the Operations Division of BOU told this reporter on condition of anonymity that there are three major reasons for the misfortunes of the Shilling.

The bank officer said: “First is the global financial crisis which, unfortunately, both the BOU governor and ministry of finance (MOF) chose to joke about early this year. However, it has caused the funds remitted by Ugandans abroad, especially Baganda, doing kyeeyo to fall drastically as work becomes harder to get.  Similarly, local NGO’s and church pastors are experiencing a tough time fundraising in the USA and Europe. Many of them are collapsing or firing employees as the dollars dry up.

“The second major reason is that our exports are not seriously growing in dollar terms. Even the  recent increase in exports to Southern Sudan seem appears to have been a bubble because the Sudanese central government is now limiting the supply of dollars to the South due to political tensions.  The dollar shortage in Sudan has in turn reduced the dollars which corrupt Southern officials have been bringing into Uganda to bank or buy mansions and Buganda land.”

The third reason that the banking officer gave is Uganda official corruption and greed. He pointed out that: “Mr. Museveni’s  state house has squandered tens of millions of dollars on deals like the presidential jet, grants to fake investors like Basajjabalaba and numerous so called ‘classified’ withdraws.  When other government officials see how Mr. Museveni’s state house is stealing, they can only emulate. Over time, this unending corruption has scared the more serious investors from the local stock exchange and our government securities. In fact the weak securities markets are only surviving on laundered money which the owners are still afraid to send out of Uganda.”

The BOU employee warned that the value of the Shilling was likely to continue falling for sometime. He explained: “I think that the donors are likely to cut aid to Uganda before they  increase it, because the political situation is likely to get much worse as the 2011 elections approach.  Both the domestic and external debts are likely to get worse because Mr. Museveni is creating more districts even as we speak. He is also preparing to grow army, police and other imports before the elections.  And our FOREX reserves are not enough to allow Mutebire to support the Shilling by selling dollars.  Maybe for a few weeks.”

Below are the US Dollar exchange rates for since January (on the 20th of each month): 

On May 21, 2009 former Los Angeles, California, resident and now owner of Radio Star, NRM candidate Peter Sematimba was declared the new LCIII chairman for Rubaga after a bitter election fight marred by massive irregularities. Even the Uganda government mouthpiece, the New Vision, on May 22, 2009 reported the results under the heading “Rubaga LC3 polls marred by rigging”.  Sematimba, who moonlights as a church pastor, won with 15,799 votes. The votes which Sematimba received represent 47% of the 33,314 cast in the elections, but only  9.3% of the 170,557 voters on the Uganda Electoral Commission roll of registered voters in Rubaga. According to NRM sources, more than 900 party activists were paid to irregularly vote in Rubaga. Also, over 2,000 pre-marked ballots were successfully stuffed into boxes across the 250 polling stations. Still, the total votes, including the irregular ones, represented a voter turn-out of only 19%.

While Peter Sematimba and most of his NRM supporters are celebrating his official victory, some political analysts think that this election is evidence that President Museveni and his NRM dominated brand of democracy could be rapidly collapsing. One New York based Muganda analyst, who requested that we withold his name, told us in a phone conversation: “Museveni, Nsibambi, Amama Mbabazi, Nakabirwa, Mrs. Museveni and so many other NRM heavyweights supported Sematimba. Then Peter blanketed Rubaga with constant campaign messages on his own radio station. Add on the fact that NRM people paid voters, ferried in illegal voters and stuffed the ballot boxes with thousands of votes. After all that, failing to get a turn-out over 30% in Rubaga is a clear message that the people of are fed up with Musevenism and are thirsting for something else.

“My contacts in FDC admit that many of those who kept away are former FDC Baganda who were convinced by Kamya that Ssebugwaawo was being used by Bakiga who were as anti-Buganda as Museveni’s regime.  FDC is dead in Buganda! Others were turned off by the leadership vacuum in DP and fairly good evidence that Mr. Museveni was funding the DP candidate (Makumbi) through ex-convict and Kampala mayor Haj. Nasser Sebagala. The bottom line is that Museveni and his people should now know that only about 5% of the people in Rubaga were genuinely convinced by Sematimba, Museveni, Nsibambi, Amama Mbabazi and other NRM big wigs to go vote for Sematimba. And at least 70% of the registered voters in Rubaga are opposed to or fed up with the Museveni circus. But that situation is much worse for NRM when it comes to Baganda, especially the militant youths below 25 years. So, if Sematimba or Museveni think that NRM won big in Rubaga, Baganda nationalists should be happy because it is better to have a stupid enemy than a smart one.”

The runner-up to Sematimba was Moses Makumbi of the Democratic Party (DP) who got 9,807 votes (29 percent), followed by Joyce Ssebugwaawo of FDC (15%) and four lesser candidates receiving less than 10% each. Makumbi conceded defeat and congratulated Sematimba quickly after the results were announced, leading to speculation in some DP circles that he was paid something to legitimize Sematimba as soon as possible. On the other hand, according to FDC sources, Joyce Sebugwaawo intends to challenge the elections results in court citing massive fraud by NRM activists with the Uganda Electoral Commission looking the other way.

Beti Olive Kamya, Uganda’s MP for Lubaga North, used an opinion piece in The Monitor newspaper of April 27, 2009 to announce her new political organization, known as the Uganda Federal Alliance (UFA). Ms. Kamya’s opinion piece is titled “Make Moroto the administrative seat of government” and, on first reading, it may not appear to be related to announcing any political organization. It is too early to tell if  ordinary Baganda, her core constituency, will quickly and widely understand the intrigue rich message and style in Ms. Kamya’s announcement.  

Since November 2008 Beti has been leading a growing “Buganda first” campaign, educating Baganda about their political rights and the need to resist manipulation by existing Uganda political parties, including her own Forum for Democratic Change (FDC). In process, Ms. Kamya has engaged in tough verbal wars with the FDC’s Bakiga most powerful leaders, resulting in a near-collapse of FDC support in Buganda.

In announcing the UFA signaled that she will probably never run for a political office under the FDC flag. How her announcement shade little light on the UFA itself. She did not say whether the organization will focus on Buganda’s rights, as she has done herself for more than 6 months, or whether it would emphasize the federal system. She left out details about the overall political agenda of the UFA, only saying that her organization “will advocate for the use of one stone to kill seven birds – by an Act of Parliament, to shift the administrative seat of government from Kampala to Moroto”.

Click on the title “Make Moroto the administrative seat of government” to read Beti Kamya’s full opinion piece.

Buganda’s information minister Charles Peter Mayiga, his deputy Medard Lubega and the chairperson of the Civic Education Committee Betty Nambooze were arrested on Friday, allegedly for inciting violence, promoting sectarianism, attempts to acquire fire-arms and terrorism. Lubega’s arrest came a few hours before the start of a major Buganda Conference on land, governance and human rights. Nambooze and Mayiga were picked up a few hours after the conference. According to sources close to the Uganda State House the arrests appear to have been precipitated by fear, on the part of government, that the trio might use the highly successful Buganda Conference as a fuel to energize their campaign against Mr. Museveni’s proposed land law.

On July 20th the Kabaka’s government issued a press release officially announcing what is now widely believed in Buganda to be a coordinated effort to intimidate the people of Buganda. (English and Luganda versions of the press release were posted on www.bugandapost.com) The Buganda kingdom cabinet had met and resolved to use peaceful means to secure the release of their officials. During the cabinet meeting hundreds of youth gathered outside the Bulange, chanting the Buganda anthem, holding signs denouncing the NRM government and offering their services towards securing the release of the political prisoners. At the time of this report the where abouts of the three Buganda officials were still unknown. According to legal experts in Kampala the continued detention of the three officials without being produced in court is illegal under Uganda laws. They explained that Uganda laws require the police to take anyone they arrest to court within fourty-eight hours. Further more, given the gravity of the allegations by Mr. Museveni’s government, the officials should be presented to a high court. More details on this important story will follow as it unfolds.