BY OUR CORRESPONDENT

L-R: Dr Steven Lwetutte (Amnesty International officer on matters concerning with Eastern Europe), Downing Street, Lawrence Muyimba (Treasurer Buganda Centre), Chairman Buganda Centre Deo Kiggundu Malagala and Harriet Senyonjo dilivering a petition to British Prime Minister’s Office, No 10 Downing Street last month.

LONDON: As pressure mounts and more petitions continue, the UK’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office for the first time has come out to speak about the September 11, massacre of 30 unarmed civilians and continue incarceration of over 800 people in the capital Kampala. “The UK government is deeply concerned about the recent rioting in Kampala,” reads  in part an October 23, letter, to expatriate Ugandans who last month petitioned the UK government and the International Community demanding that Uganda’s foreign backers to withdraw their support to dictator Yoweri Museveni’s regime after the September massacre of innocent civilians.

Judith Mann from Great Lakes Section on behalf of Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), wrote: “With our EU partners, we have raised our concerns about the use of excessive force by the police and defence during the riots with the government of Uganda and we have encouraged them to instigate an independent investigation into the riots.” This followed the increase petitions and lobbying by several groups of Ugandans abroad. Since the September, Kampala, streets carnage three groups most of them potential voters in the UK polls, have petitioned British Prime Minister’s No. 10 Downing Street. Whilst, others have prepared several dossiers to the House of Commons, House of Lords, and the European Union.

Although, the Ugandan President Museveni in his speech to the Parliament just after the riot, he justified his forces’ action as they handled the rioters. It has now emerged Uganda Government’s narrative of the events to the International Community is different. Museveni, in his televised directive was “Shoot and Kill’ order when the riot broke out on September 10, as Military Police and other armed security operatives blocked Prime Minister who was preparing His Majesty Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II’s visit to Kayunga an area  in Buganda Kingdom.  However, it has now been understood that when asked to account for the deaths and random arrests, the Uganda government’s message to the FCO is like chalk and cheese.

“The Ugandan authorities have told us that this will be investigated and that where appropriate, individuals will be held to account,” reads a FCO communiqué, contradicting, Museveni’s speech in which he labelled the protestors  as ‘shadowy subversive activities’ against his regime and  ‘hooligans’ whose purpose was meant to loot and destroy properties. During the September 11, riot, allegations of a foreign country, in this regard suspected to be Libya, had allegedly channelled huge amount of money to Buganda Kingdom to fund anti-NRM activities. The kingdom has vehemently denied such allegations, calling it playing dirt politics by Museveni’s regime to divert attention from  legitimate demands and possibly to persecute official from Mengo establishment.
The current-day Uganda acquires its name from the ancient Kingdom of Buganda, a hereditary monarchy that once covered the southern part the country including the capital Kampala. His Majesty Mutebi II, the custodian of the Kingdom has unsolved issues with the central government which include; the return of 9000sqmile of land, its County headquarters and a demand for Federal system of governance that can check corruption. In addition to now the formerly cherished CBS FM radio station which was closed during the recent riot.

In a separate communiqué to this reporter, another officer Ms Stephanie Sandison, said that the General Affairs External Relations Council of the European Union express its concern over the September’s riots in Kampala, arguing the Ugandan Government to resolve any political disputes through peaceful dialogue and democratic  institutions. That,  the Council also urges the Government to do its utmost to assure that there will be a level playing field in the run up to the general elections of 2011 and that these elections will be free, fair and transparent. Ms Sandison said; “This has been agreed jointly by all EU Member States, including the UK.  A full copy of the text can be found at: tttp://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/en/gena/110787.pdf.”

“We continue to monitor the political situation in Uganda closely and regularly discuss human rights issues with the Uganda Government,” said officer Ms Sandison from the Great Lake Region when reacting to question why the British Government unfailingly continues to cosset the tyrannical regime given the well documented human rights abuses. Reacting to a demand made in several petitions by expatriate Ugandans to have the September protesters released, Ms Sandison, said: “We continue to push for further action on human rights issues such as media freedom, illegal detention and politically motivated harassment.”
“The UK Government remains determined to bring stability to the region and will continue to work with the international community and partners in the region to bring this about,” says Ms Sandison.

Not used to public debates, fearing and well aware of the power of the media, President Museveni, justified CBS FM closure, when he claimed that it was inciting violence. Then the government accused CBS and other stations of inflaming violence that erupted in the entire region.

Meanwhile Ugandans in Diaspora joined the 120 country groups to continue lobby the UK Government and EU donors to scrutinise the Uganda Government in to protect their interests. In the last month, Ugandans from different organisations abroad have approached potential lobbyists over the current situation in Uganda.

“A total of 30 innocent civilians were brutally murdered by Museveni’s security forces last month and about 1000 people are still incarcerated in secret places, so, it’s our duty to check this situation,” said a member who attended a meeting with top UK Bishop and a member of House of Lords. The deputation, who has so far secured an informal approach with some UK MPs and members of House of Lords, is lobbying to give accurate and truthful information to the Commons about Uganda.

“We want to inform the legislators here that, the government’s continue backing of Museveni, is putting the British interests in Uganda at risk,” a member who attended an hour meeting at one of the Cathedral on October 19, told this reporter. Exclusively, this reporter has learnt that with the group has also prepared a similar dossier to be circulated to the European Parliament in Brussels-Belgium. A source said: “We are not going to use any form of force, but our brains and the power of the pen. That is why many politicians and Uganda’s foreign backers have welcomed this kind of approach. Let Museveni spend millions of dollars to decorate his corrupt regime, we are encountering his lies by delivering factual evidences,” said a source.

According to our Boston sources, Lt. Frank Musisi of the USA army told the Buganda Emergency meeting on October 17, 2009 that president Museveni is paying Buganda Post to write malicious stories about him (Musisi). Lt. Musisi was apparently referring to an October 17, 2009 posting which said that both at UNAA Chicago and a Los Angeles Baganda conference, the USA army officer had claimed that he was leading the Buganda cause in America (see “Muliika And Frank Musisi To Headline Boston Buganda Emergency Conference“). Apparently, fully aware that the Buganda Post story was accurate, Lt. Musisi never told his Boston audience what Buganda Post had written which inaccurate, let alone malicious.

On October 17, 2009, over 300 angry Baganda from Boston, New York, Washington DC, California, Kampala and many other places attended the one day conference. Several sources told us that it was nothing short of an intense indoor demonstration against Museveni’s NRM dictatorship. It must have given Deputy Katikkiro Ssendaula a real headache (see “”). By far, the phrases which attracted the most standing ovations were,”Ssabsajja awangaale” (Long live Ssabasajja [Kabaka]” “Buli mbuzi ku nkondo yaayo” (”every goat back to its home peg”), “Teli kuteesa!” (”No negotiations”), “Ettaka lyaffe eribe tujja kulibajjako”(”we shall reclaim the land they have stolen from us”) and “Museveni must go!”.   By all measures, the conference was very successful in proving that Baganda love their nation and Kabaka. And that most Baganda are tired of the anti-Buganda Ugandan politics.

One attendee, who requested that we do not disclose her identity, described the meeting to us in an email as follows:  ”At the beginning I got confused because I thought that this was an emergency meeting, may be to decide how to deal with Museveni land grabbing. But for the first  two hours, people were talking about Buganda history and how Federo is good for other regions too. To me it was starting to sound like a Uganda emergency conference.”

The attendee continued: “However, things changed when one light skinned gentleman called Kintu spoke about the real problems of Buganda. In my opinion, that is when the conference really started.  Mr.   Kintu asked Baganda to stop fearing independence and power. He mocked those take the attention off Buganda’s interests to support Uganda’s fake politicians, mbu because they have military or international exposure. He got the biggest applause when he said, ‘Abo bannabyabufuzi bemwesibako bali recycled, tebalina kyebayiinza kutukolera mu lutalo luno” (”All those [political figures] you are standing behind are recycles materials, they cannot do much for us in this war”).  Everyone shouted loudly when he told us to stop mincing words when discussing Buganda’s enemies, and said we must not fear to name them.  And the audience started shouting Apollo Nsibambi, Gilbert Bukenya and Edward Ssekandi.”

According to our source Mr. Abed Bwanika, who previously stood against Museveni for president also got some people excited but, unfortunately, he never clearly said what he wanted. “He said a lot of things about how Museveni and his NRM have looted Uganda and have caused Baganda to suffer, but I never heard him firmly say that he is 100% for Federo or that he is for Buganda independence. To me it was clear that Bwanika wanted our support because he is a Muganda, but what can he realistically give us back, even if he became president?”

Owek. Dan Muliika and Lt. Musisi were the main speakers, as Buganda Post had reported earlier. Our source told us that Owek. Muliika as usual never disappointed. He gave a wonderful speech and explained that Museveni has no legal power to force the current constitution of Uganda on us. The different parts like Buganda, Toro, Acholi, Lango, etc., which formed Uganda must sit together now and agree on how to go forward. They can agree on Federo or even agree on ‘buli mbuzi ku nkondo yaayo’. Musisi, who is very popular in Boston, excited people when he said that Museveni must go. However,  he confused some of us when he started claiming that his life was in danger because of his stand on Buganda. Without explaining, he told us that Museveni plans to kill him but that he was not afraid of going to Uganda. Then he claimed that Museveni was paying Buganda Post to publish stories about him. The problem is that, at UNAA, Musisi really claimed that he was going to lead the fight for Buganda. Now, in Watertown, he was asking us give him financial support but it was for his personal hospital in Ssese, not for Kabaka’s programs.”

In a related development, we can report that all Kabaka’s representatives in North America did not attend the Boston conference, except the Acting representive for New England, a Mr. Jane Lwanga. However, Ggwangamujje DC and Ggwangamujje NY/NJ sent strong delegations, although none of them spoke at the conference.

When asked to comment on Mr. Musisi allegations, Buganda Post’s chief moderator and editor, Omulongo Nakato, said that it would be stupid for Buganda Post and Musisi and engage in verbal battles. “We try to do everything we can to maintain unity among Baganda. Also, occasionally we might make mistakes and will admit them. However, we stand by our story that, in front of many witnesses both at UNAA Chicago and in Los Angeles, Lt. Musisi claimed leadership of Baganda in America. And he and certain supporters of his made it clear that they wanted the Boston Emergency conference to announce one Muganda to carry Buganda’s flag in the Museveni’s 2011 elections. Mr. Musisi should listen to all the promotional SMS messages for the conference. If Museveni paid Buganda Post to write lies against Musisi, then he (Musisi) should specify what we wrote which is not true.”

The SMS we got from out agent in Mubende town,  Buwekula county, where Sabasajja Kabaka chose to celebrate Buganda’s 14th independence observance was simple but very inspiring: “Empologoma ya Buganda ebogodde buto!” (”The lion of Buganda has roared yet again!”). In his first public statements since he was forced to go to Museveni’s statehouse and then tricked into appearing to be negotiating with a commoner, Kabaka Mutebi made it very clear that the current occupation conditions in Buganda are not acceptable.  The SMS from our reporter came seconds after Ssabasajja Kabaka told the mammoth crowd at Buganda independence day ceremonies, “The 47 years of independence which we are observing today have  been wasted by senseless conflicts and governance problems. As a result of this, our development has been paralyzed. Thinking in terms of constant conflicts must stop.”

According to our reporter, the lion of Buganda went on to give as example, leaders who practice decisive politics in an effort to divide Buganda into artificial chiefdoms. Warning that, “we must not tolerate what such leaders are doing.”

In the presence of his wife, Nnabagereka Nnaginda, the Kabaka promised that his kingdom nation will never promote constant ethnic conflicts because, “we value unity and not divisions in Buganda”.

Last week Kabaka Mutebi reluctantly went to Museveni’s state house after the Ugandan warlord threatened that if Ssabasajja did not meet him, he would introduce laws to abolish kingdoms and probably arrest  His Majesty. Our sources tell us that Kabaka Mutebi was not too concerned by Museveni’s empty talk but Katikkiro Walusimbi, other old Baganda and CBS Radio shareholders convinced him that Museveni was willing to entertain most of Buganda’s demands if the Kabaka spoke to him.  Although, Museveni dressed up properly to meet Kabaka Mutebi, including putting on dress shoes and walking his painful feet straight, he broke his promise to Walusimbi within minutes after the Buganda delegation arrived. Museveni took everyone by surprise when he told them to wait he spoke to Kabaka Mutebi for some minutes. The minutes turned into a full hour, after which Museveni’s state house and Katikkiro both started spinning that the private talks between were “ground breaking”.  Nothing on the original agenda took place because of the Museveni scam (kavuyo).

Surprisingly, next day, Katikkiro Walusimbi issued a statement claiming that, the meeting between Ssabasajja and the Ugandan warlord had removed all tensions between Buganda and her NRM occupiers (see “Katikkiro JB Walusimbi Praises Gunpoint Meeting Between Kabaka and Museveni“). Then Deputy Katikkiro Ssendaula wrote to all Kabaka’s representatives outside Buganda  asking them to tell Diaspora Baganda to be “very calm” while Mmengo talks to the occupying forces. Owek. Ssendaula’s letter angered some Baganda because it seems to focus only on  “not upsetting Museveni” and says nothing about the plight of Kabaka Mutebi and many of his loyal subjects who were murdered or are under torture in the NRM governments prisons and safe houses (see “Deputy Katikkiro and Kabaka’s Representative Anger UK Baganda“).

The consensus among all the 4 Baganda analysts who we have contacted is that Kabaka Mutebi made the strong statements in Buwekula to clearly and publicly disown the appeasing, apologetic and sometimes cowardly tone of the statements which his Katikkiro and his Deputy have been making.  One analyst named David Kasozi said: “Once a Muganda radical, always a Muganda radical. And Ssabasajja joined us Baganda radicals a long time ago. We, under Kabaka Mutebi’s leadership,  are not quitting until Buganda is ruled on her own terms, probably as an independent monarchy.”

Uganda police sources indicate that the number of people who have been arrested in connection with the Kayunga demonstrations is has now grown to over 1,000 and rouge officers and magistrates are making quick money. In the first 5 days after the disturbances where the NRM police and army shot dead 30 Baganda, about 600 people were arrested. Since then, the police has continued to arrest more Baganda, claiming that they are looking for ringleaders and other participants in what they (the police) claim to be public violence and terrorist activities.

Baganda sources within Museveni’s  police force have informed us that the primary reasons why so many people are being arrested are politics and money.  One source told us: “These arrests were ordered from the very top for political reasons. They provide a chance for the NRM to shut up its loudest opponents in Mmengo and the opposition parties, especially DP.  It is one way to put make it difficult for the opposition to start organizing themselves for the 2011 campaigns. The majority are arrested not because of evidence that they did anything but because they used to talk a lot against the NRM government on radio stations. So many of them are Baganda DP or FDC campaigners. In some cases the evidence is manufactured using tips from Banyankore, Bakiga and other non-Baganda who are NRM moles in the opposition parties.”

Another Muganda veteran police officer told our investigator that money is also a big reason why the arrests are growing. The office explained: “As you may expect, when an innocent Muganda is arrested on allegations of inciting violence, his or her family will normally be desperate to have him freed on bail. The arresting officers and the magistrate make some quick money by charging the desperate family anywhere between Shs 150,000 and Shs 400,000 (US$74 to $198) depending on situation. They eat the money and in the books they write that the suspect has been freed on a ‘no cash’ police bond. In law this is called extortion and I know that top people in the police force know that it is going on or may even be supporting it.”

The Uganda police force is commanded by Kalyekezi Kayihura, a Rwanda national who came to Uganda as a refugee and joined Uganda police where Mr. Museveni quickly rose him to the rank of General.

PRESS RELEASE

Uganda: Troops Killed Unarmed People in Riot Period
No Lethal Force Necessary in at Least 13 Fatal Shootings

(Kampala, October 1, 2009) – The Ugandan government should immediately order an independent investigation into the killing of unarmed persons during and after riots in Kampala on September 10 and 11, 2009, Human Rights Watch said today.

A Human Rights Watch investigation found that at least 13 people were shot by government forces in situations where lethal force was unnecessary. The Minister of Internal Affairs reported to parliament that 27 people had died during the riots and that seven were uninvolved in riot activity.

“Shooting in self defense is one thing, but we found that some soldiers shot at bystanders and shot through locked doors,” said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The government needs to put an impartial investigation in motion now.”

The riots in Kampala, Uganda’s capital, began on September 10, when police blocked a delegation representing the Buganda kingdom from visiting Kayunga district. The cultural king of Buganda, known as the kabaka, was planning to visit Kayunga for National Youth Day two days later. The visit was opposed by leaders of the Banyala ethnic group in Kayunga, who reject the kabaka’s authority. The kabaka’s supporters took to the streets to protest the police action, and violence began soon afterward.

Sources at Kampala’s main hospital, Mulago, indicate that 88 victims of the violence were admitted for treatment over this period, most for gunshot wounds. Victims were taken to other hospitals as well. According to the minister of internal affairs, at least 846 people were arrested for alleged crimes committed during the riots, and the arrests continue. At least 24 of the alleged rioters have been charged with terrorism for destroying government property, and many others have been charged with unlawful assembly and inciting violence.

During and after the unrest, Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 50 victims and their family members, witnesses, doctors, and local and senior government officials. On-the-ground research was conducted into the circumstances surrounding the violence in the Kampala neighborhoods of Nateete, Kasubi, Busega, Ndeeba, Bwaise, Bunga, the Salaama Road at Nakinyuguzi zone, and in Mpigi town.

Human Rights Watch investigated several fatal and non-fatal shootings by security forces on September 10 and 11 that raise serious questions about the level of force employed in response to the riots. In a number of cases throughout the city, there is strong evidence that security forces shot individuals who were not threatening them or others.

This challenges statements by some government officials that live ammunition was only fired into the air to clear the streets of protesters.

However, President Yoweri Museveni, addressing parliament on September 10, after the riots broke out, contended that “initially police acted slowly” in response to the unrest. “Looters,” he said, “will be shot on sight, as will those who attack civilians.”

Human Rights Watch said that investigations should look into the circumstances of the rioting and into how to improve policing during demonstrations. Thus far, there is no clear evidence to support the contention of some Ugandan government officials that the Kampala riots were organized in advance. The Buganda kingdom government has denied any role in organizing the riots. Some rioters do appear to have employed parallel tactics, such as burning tires to block roads in several areas of the city, especially on the afternoon of September 10.

Human Rights Watch urged the police and other security forces to abide by the United Nations Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials. The principles call upon law enforcement officials, including military units responding to national emergencies, to apply nonviolent means before resorting to the use of force, to use force only in proportion to the seriousness of the offense, and to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable to protect life. The principles also provide that governments shall ensure that arbitrary or abusive use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials is punished as a criminal offense under their law.

“Much of the attention has focused on the politics surrounding recent events,” said Gagnon. “But the real tragedy is that families have lost loved ones in entirely unnecessary circumstances. They deserve to see justice done.”

Violence and the Response

Human Rights Watch found that in the early stages of the demonstrations on September 10, some protesters resorted to violence in some areas of Kampala, burning at least five cars, one passenger bus, and one delivery truck, blocking some main roads with burning tires and debris, looting shops, and throwing rocks at police and members of the armed forces. In Nateete, protesters burned a police station. In Bwaise, a factory was set on fire. No one was reported injured in either fire, and local hospitals did not report any burn victims. Police, some in riot gear, used teargas in several areas of the city.

Uganda’s inspector general of police (IGP), Maj. Gen. Kale Kayihura, told Human Rights Watch that military police and the army’s Presidential Guard Brigade were deployed under his orders to support the police beginning at around 4 p.m. on September 10, and that infantry soldiers were deployed in support shortly thereafter. Kayihura said that these units fired live ammunition into the air to scatter rioters.

Human Rights Watch’s research indicates that the security forces faced some situations in which the use of firearms may have been warranted. One witness described seeing a rioter steal a civilian security guard’s gun near Kampala Bus Park on September 10 and shoot a policeman in the leg. Kayihura provided two other instances, in Nateete and Sseta, where rioters fired on the security forces. It remains unclear if anyone was injured in those two instances, and those events were not investigated by Human Rights Watch.

Kayihura told Human Rights Watch that, while all government forces had been ordered to use minimum force, non-lethal options such as rubber bullets and pepper spray are not standard issue in all police posts. He claimed that the security forces had few alternatives to shooting live ammunition into the air. Other knowledgeable sources in the police told Human Rights Watch that the police stocks of tear gas had run low and that officials feared they lacked the means to secure the city without using firearms.

Where Lethal Force Was Not Necessary

However, among the episodes that raise serious questions about the use of force, in Bwaise on September 10, local people gathered to observe the fire brigade fight a fire set by rioters earlier that afternoon. An army armored personnel carrier drove by the crowd and the troops on board fired, striking Hussein Mujuuka in the back of the head and killing him instantly. At least 10 others were wounded by the gunfire. Several witnesses told Human Rights Watch that local residents responded by burning tires along the Bwaise-Kampala Road. They said that shootings by the military continued during the evening hours in Bwaise and that many other people were wounded. Deaths from military gunfire also occurred the same day in Kawempe, Nakulabye, Mulago, and the Ndeeba areas of Kampala.

Security forces using live ammunition caused many injuries and at least six deaths on September 11. Witnesses and victims told Human Rights Watch that most Kampala communities were trying to return to normal business after the previous day’s unrest. However, soldiers heavily deployed both on foot and in armored personnel carriers in some areas of the city fired live ammunition. There is evidence in some instances that they deliberately shot and killed or wounded people who were not actively involved in demonstrations or unrest.

For example, military units, some accompanied by police forces deployed in Ndeeba that morning, apparently ordered people on the roads to return home. Over several hours, soldiers shot and killed one person and seriously wounded two more. In each case, the victims were shot after they had entered their homes or workplaces. Witnesses said that soldiers apparently pursued people several hundred meters from the main roads and fired their weapons through locked doors. However, no official curfew had been imposed.

Kinaalwa Sseddulaaka Jackson, the owner of a dry cleaning shop about 100 meters from the Masaka road in Tomusange zone, Ndeeba, hid in his back storage room and locked the back door when an army armored personnel carrier entered Ndeeba and soldiers on board began shooting. A few minutes later, a uniformed soldier walked through the area and fired his AK-47 through Sseddulaaka’s back door, killing him instantly. Human Rights Watch researchers saw two bullet holes in that door, as well as five other bullet holes in doors and walls in the neighborhood. All were in the lower half of the doors and walls.

Soldiers and police also deployed around Nateete market that morning, closing the main gate even though the market was filled with food vendors and customers. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that uniformed soldiers, some wearing the red berets of the military police, began to attack people with sticks and batons, and ordered them to clear the streets and return home. Several women selling matoke (plantains) showed Human Rights Watch large contusions and bruises from having been beaten while trying to flee.

The witnesses said that the soldiers then began firing their weapons, both in the air and into the crowds. One customer was killed and another wounded. One female vendor showed Human Rights Watch where she had been grazed by a bullet on her hip, requiring medical treatment. Human Rights Watch saw three bullet holes in the market walls and three others through its iron roof sheeting.

In Busega, an area dense with open-air shops and stalls, soldiers shot and killed two people in separate incidents that morning. Residents and officials reported that on the previous day, rioters in the area had blocked roads with fires and demanded money from those trying to enter Kampala by car. Rioters had looted a Coca Cola truck and burned it. The situation calmed by 7 p.m. that day, and the shops along the road had reopened. Witnesses said the area had remained calm the next morning until a military armored personnel carrier and military and police trucks drove through, in some cases telling people to clear the streets and return home. The shops closed quickly when soldiers in the personnel carrier began firing live bullets, but 13-year-old Daoudi Ssentongo was struck in the head and killed inside his family’s shop when a bullet ripped through a refrigerator next door. His death triggered more demonstrations, and members of the community tried to block the personnel carrier from re-entering the area by burning debris in the road.

Near where the youth died, soldiers on foot chased people away from the main roundabout, evidently to arrest or deter rioters. Soldiers pursued several young men who ran away. Ronald Kasagga, who supplied ice to the area’s fish vendors, was fatally shot in the chest at close range by a soldier. Witnesses said that the soldier yelled “Stop!” and that when Kasagga turned around, the soldier fired.

Around 11 a.m. on September 11 in Kasubi zone 4, rioters had been taunting nearby soldiers and throwing rocks near a gas station on the main road, witnesses said. When the soldiers pursued them, they ran up the hill, past the home of Stella Kabasinguzi, who had left her house briefly, seeking bread for her three children. The soldiers approached her home, and Kabasinguzi immediately raised her hands in the air. A soldier shot her, in front of her children. She died on the way to the hospital. Human Rights Watch observed three bullet holes through doors in other homes in zone 4, more than 100 meters from the main road where riots had occurred. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that a soldier on foot demanded that people go inside their homes, and shot through the doors when some hesitated.

Throughout the city on September 11, soldiers and police threatened and beat people to obtain information about the whereabouts of alleged rioters. A woman making tea outside her restaurant in Ndeeba was questioned by a uniformed soldier carrying an AK-47. According to several people interviewed separately, when she did not have answers to his questions, he poured the hot tea on her back. He then stuck the gun barrel into her mouth and demanded to know where rioters were hiding. She escaped only after bystanders diverted his attention.

Nile Broadcasting Services broadcast video of police and military patrolling areas on September 11, beating people sitting and standing near their homes in Kazo and throwing them into the backs of police trucks. The authorities did not request names or identity documents before arresting them. In one instance, when a man protested being forcibly removed from his home, he was beaten repeatedly. Police took truckloads of suspects to Kawempe police station. Human Rights Watch researchers observed similar actions on Salaama Road that afternoon.

On September 10, government officials told television stations to stop broadcasting live pictures of the violence. In some instances, government forces forcibly removed video footage from TV stations, appropriated journalists’ cameras and videotapes, and deleted photographs of dead bodies. Some journalists were beaten attempting to report on the unfolding events. The state-owned newspaper, The New Vision, inaccurately reported that mobs had on September 11 burned two people to death in Ndeeba. Local officials from Ndeeba and other knowledgeable sources informed Human Rights Watch that no rioters had burned people, but The New Vision has yet to issue corrections.

The Police Explanation

Police Inspector General Kayihura told Human Rights Watch that the police lacked capacity to respond to the speed and geographical breadth of the events of September 10. Unrest in previous years had centered on Kampala’s Central Business District and had not extended into the populous residential neighborhoods. He said that Uganda’s military police, the Presidential Guard Brigade, and regular army units had both the equipment and the mobility to respond to the unrest. He said that the military police, like the civilian police, have had training in riot control, and that the armored personnel carriers were deployed to help move units around the suburbs where riots were taking place. He said the Ugandan military possesses four of these vehicles – two Gila and two Mamba anti-riot vehicles, which can also be used for “fighting terrorism and insurgency.”

Kayihura said that seven of the 27 reported killed during the riots were not involved in the riots at the time of their deaths, and that they were hit by “stray bullets.” He told Human Rights Watch that the deaths were unfortunate and regrettable, but that the security forces had shown restraint in their response to the unrest. He said that two policemen had been arrested for shooting in the air in Kasubi (the arrests appear unrelated to the death of Kabasinguzi). He said that investigations would be conducted into the circumstances of all the deaths during the riots, but also cited section 69 of Uganda’s penal code, which states that police may use “all such force as is reasonably necessary for overcoming” a riot and police “shall not be liable in any criminal or civil proceeding for having, by the use of such force, caused harm or death to any person.”

According to statements quoted in The New Vision newspaper by the army spokesman, Lt. Col. Felix Kulayigye, military units were deployed under article 209(b) of the constitution, which states that the Ugandan People’s Defence Forces shall “cooperate with the civilian authority in emergency situations” and that once deployed, they act under orders of the inspector general of police.” Kulayigye contended that the situation was “a war” and that the riots had had “genocidal tendencies.” He placed blame for the deaths on the alleged organizers of the riots, but admitted that “the moment the bullet leaves the barrel, anything could happen beyond there.”

Human Rights Watch is deeply concerned that Kulayigye’s statement might encourage members of the security forces to use unnecessary and unlawful lethal force during future encounters with demonstrators.

Museveni told an emergency session of parliament on September 15 that the government will compensate those who lost their properties and vehicles, and it will also assist those who lost family members.

Recommendations

Human Rights Watch urged the government of Uganda to take the following actions:

• Publicly acknowledge and condemn recent shootings of unarmed people by members of the security forces.
• Undertake an independent and impartial investigation into the actions of all soldiers and police alleged to have perpetrated human rights abuses during the September riots. Prosecute those against whom there is sufficient evidence in accordance with international fair trial standards.
• Issue clear public instructions to all government forces involved in policing to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable to protect human life.
• Seek out non-lethal options for police and military responding to demonstrations and protests, and ensure those options are standard issue for police stations.

Human Rights Watch urged donors to the Ugandan government, especially members of the Partners for Democracy and Governance Working Group, to take the following actions:

• Publicly express concern about human rights abuses committed by members of the military and police during the September riots.
• Urge government leaders to hold accountable, in accordance with international fair trial standards, members of the security forces implicated in human rights violations.
• Support the police in acquiring non-lethal options for riot response and ensure that relevant personnel from the police and military receive adequate training.

Background

The role of cultural royalty such as the kabaka in Uganda has been the source of debate historically. President Milton Obote outlawed all cultural leaders in 1966, but Museveni permitted them to return in 1995. Under the constitution, cultural leaders are barred from politics, but they still wield influence over their communities. The kabaka is the king of the Baganda people, the largest ethnic group in Uganda and a key constituency in the upcoming 2011 elections. Since independence, some Baganda political leaders have argued that the Buganda kingdom should be a federal state within Uganda.

Accounts from Victims and Witnesses of Shootings during Recent Kampala Riots

“It was 9 a.m. when I was returning from the village where we buried my friend Deo, who was shot and killed in Ndeeba on Thursday during the riots. When I arrived back to town, I saw a group of soldiers and men in civilian clothes with guns and sticks walking along the road. I ran to the other side of the road and to find a place to hide. The soldiers began to hit us with batons and kick us. They were beating other people in the road as well. I ran away and noticed I had a cut on my head from the baton, and I was bleeding. My friend and I went off the main road and hid by locking ourselves into a storage room near a friend’s shop. We heard the soldier’s footsteps and then he yelled, “Open the door!” I said, “But if we come out, you are going to beat us again.” He said, “You think bullets cannot reach you in there?” Then he fired his gun through the door. A bullet hit the inside of my arm and then entered my stomach and I fell down.”
- Gunshot victim in Ndeeba, September 11

“Things were calm in Mpigi that day. We heard about what was happening in Kampala and someone had lit two tires on fire, but the cars could pass. Faisal and I were standing on the veranda. The soldiers came in a government vehicle and started caning people. One soldier came carrying a stick and a gun. He threw the stick at a boy and then got out the gun. He pointed the gun towards us, and then fired at us two times. I ran and hid at a house nearby. And later, someone said that a man was killed. A bit later, I learned it was Faisal. He had been shot in the neck.”
- Witness to killing of Faisal Bukenya, September 10

“On Friday morning, I saw the boys throwing a few rocks at the soldiers, and then the soldiers started shooting in their direction. Eventually the soldiers rounded up a group of boys and held them at the petrol station. The soldiers were forcing the boys to jump up and down as punishment for throwing rocks. When they tried to move the group of unruly boys, some scattered and the military began shooting at them again. The woman with the three children was killed just then.”
- Witness to the killing of Stella Kabasinguzi, September 11

“She was just on the steps of her home on Friday morning. She had gone to collect some bread for the children. When she saw the soldiers, she threw her hands in the air, but he fired right at her and she fell. He was standing just a bit down from her.”
- Another witness to the killing of Stella Kabasinguzi, September 11

“I was here in the market, selling matoke on Friday morning around 8 a.m. Suddenly, the military came in and started beating people, telling everyone to leave the market. Even the security officer for the market was hit by batons from them. They even beat me very hard on the buttocks, while I was trying to run away. Some of them stole the money I had on the ground. Others started shooting into the market and a boy was hit and a man was killed.”
- Witness to killings and shooting in Nateete, September 11

List of fatal shootings investigated by Human Rights Watch
On September 10

1.            Hussein Mujuuka, shot through the eye by military in personnel carrier, in Bwaise

2.            Robert, Congolese national, shot by military near Qualicell Building in Kampala Bus Park

3.            John Bosco Kaagwa, shot in the back by military near Nakulabye trading center

4.            Ssadam Katongole, shot in the chest by the military at “Kubirri” – Mulago roundabout

5.            Deo Lutaaya, shot in Kabuusu by military in personnel carrier, near Petrol City, on Masaka Road

6.            Muganga Huzairu, shot in the abdomen in Nateete; died at Mulago hospital

7.            Faisal Bukenya, shot in the neck by a soldier in Mpigi Town

On September 11

8.            Ronald Kasagga, shot in the chest by military on foot near Busega roundabout

9.            Kinaalwa Sseddulaaka Jackson, killed by military on foot in Tomusange zone, Ndeeba

10.        Mustaifa Basajjabalaba, shot by military in Kitaka zone, Kibazo road, Busega

11.        Daoudi Ssentongo, killed by military in Busega roundabout

12.        Stella Kabasinguzi, killed by military in zone 4, Kasubi

13.        Customer shot by military in Nateete Market

Other deaths:

14.        Kakooza Hussein, beaten by the police in Nakamiro zone, Kazo, on September 11; died on September 17

Other fatal shootings reported in the media:

15.        Unnamed private security guard working for Saracen Security Company

16.        Patrick Kaijamurubi, military police, from Masindi, killed by a stray bullet shot by another military policeman while Kaijamurubi was fixing tire on his vehicle in Ndeeba

17.        Geoffrey Andama, high school student, shot at Shop Rite Supermarket, near the Clock Tower junction

18.        Benjamin Atere, 2 years old, died from gunshot on Mawanda Road in Mulago

19.        Frank Kafuma, sustained gunshot wounds at Nabweru in Kawempe division, died in Mulago

20.        Yawe Wesige Mukama, shot in Kawempe
To view a slide show of photos from the Kampala riots and their aftermath, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/features/uganda-riots

For more Human Rights Watch reporting on Uganda, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/africa/uganda

For more information, please contact:
In New York, Jon Elliott (English, French): +1-917-379-0713 (mobile)
In New York, Georgette Gagnon (English): +1-212-216-1223; or +1-917-535-0375 (mobile)
In Kampala, Maria Burnett (English, French): +256-7

According to an email  we received from someone who claims to have attended  the Ggwangamujje meeting held in New Jersey on Saturday, the attendees agreed to declare Buganda to be under captivity.  “Everyone agreed that there is no question that Kabaka has done a wonderful job in these tough times. Also that the Baganda who are resisting Museveni’s dictatorship are real heros. We also agreed that Kabaka Mutebi made the right decision to call off the visit because he was totally surrounded by Museveni’s poorly trained forces and his subjects were at risk. In the end we declared Kabaka and Buganda to be in captivity.”

The email promised that an official statement is supposed to be issued by Ggwangamujje officials and it will most certainly say that Buganda is in captivity. And that those Baganda who agree must from today on work for one thing, the freedom of their Kabaka and country, Buganda, from the captivity (buwambe).  They  are confident that as time passes Baganda masses will understand this and stop discussing any  politics except for the withdraw occupying forces. They have no plans to waste time taking Museveni to his own courts or worrying about Uganda elections while Buganda is captivity.

In a related story, evidence continues to mount that President Museveni is becoming more panicky every passing day after his forces massacred young unarmed Baganda last week. On Saturday and Sunday, after closing down Baganda owned radio stations, he launched a press campaign in his New Vision and Aga Khan’s The Monitor claiming that he was to meet Kabaka Mutebi this week. But our sources tell us that Katikkiro Walusimbi and Regional Tier advocates (Mulwaanyamuli clique, Mmengo based businessmen and  Uganda politicians eager to personally gain from Regional Tier) are secretly working with NRM officials to force the Kabaka  to talk to Museveni. And Museveni, panicking after the scare of last Thursday, is so obsessed with talking to Ssabasajja  that, on Wednesday, he publically complained to the Uganda parliament that, since Saturday he has been the Kabaka without success.

On September 1, 2009, Ggwangamujje NY/NJ, Inc. announced Ttabamiruka ‘10, an International Baganda conference outside Buganda, to take place over the American Labor Day holiday of September 3-6, 2010 in New York, USA.  The venue and program will be posted on the conference website, www.ttabamiruka.com.

After two highly successful conferences in 2007 and 2008, Ggwangamujje was unable to hold Ttabamiruka ‘09 because of the global financial crisis.

The official theme of Ttabamiruka ‘10 has not been decided on yet. However, the Chairman of the past two Ttabamirukas, Mr. Edward Semambya, provided some insight into the conference plans. He stated that, “Kabaka Mutebi has done a great job of providing leadership and guidance to Baganda during extremely difficult times. The Baganda in the Diaspora would like to express their gratitude to him.

Mr. Semambya continued that, “although it is still too early to talk about the program and dignitaries, Ttabamiruka ‘10 will provide unprecedented international exposure for Kabaka Mutebi and our Kingdom.”

In the meantime, Uganda-style politics threaten to cause an implosion in UNAA, as the election race for the organization’s new leaders heats up. The leading candidate appears to be the Muganda incumbent, US Army soldier, Lt. Frank (Omusese) Musisi. His opponents are Moses Wilson and Flex Kabuye, both known to have close relationships with high profile NRM officials and Uganda embassy staff. Indeed, Kabuye is brother to Brig. Kayanja, who at one time led Mr. Museveni’s brutal and extra-judicial Operation Wembly against robberies. So, very much like in it does in Uganda, the NRM is supporting more than one candidates.

Musisi has positioned himself as the an anti-Museveni Muganda candidate, which has won him strong support from Baganda all over the USA. Kabuye, on the other hand, is playing the classic NRM style politics of money. For example, according to reports from Washington DC, he secretly sponsored a major Muganda musician and then tried to use the concert as a platform to campaign. Unfortunately for him the anti-NRM faction in Washington DC commandeered the stage and nsibambed him (denied him the microphone). According to Uganda diplomatic sources in the USA, various NRM elements have sent in a total of at least $90,000 to support Kabuye and Wilson. And the NRM government plans to bring is 20-50 officials from Ugnada, to vote as instructed.

It is too early to tell where these battles will end. First of all, although Musisi appears to have the most support, Wilson and Kabuye could do a last minute deal and join supporters to help the stronger NRM to win. Then there is the issue of Mrs. Museveni, who insists on being a key speaker at the UNAA conference.  Secondly, we can report that  Ambassador Kamunanwire has openly told Musisi that the if Mrs. Museveni is not allowed to speak, the NRM government will withhold the $20,000 that it had promised to give to UNAA, as it did last year. Furthermore, under pressure from Mrs. Museveni, several major Ugandan sponsors of UNAA (UIA, URA, BOU and others) have also indicated that they may not send any money.

One problem for Musisi is that, the UNAA conference may implode for financial reasons, even before the voting takes place.  According to unconfirmed reports, Musisi is desperately looking for a way to give in and allow Mrs. Museveni speak without looking like he has been bought by the NRM. Reportedly, he cannot afford to forgo the Museveni money. If the now very angry Janet Museveni decides to play true NRM politics of betrayal, however, the end of this story might be much more dramatic than what has happened so far.

Sources in Chicago and Los Angeles have told this writer that Owek. Sendaula decided to cancel his plans to attend UNAA 2009 in Chicago. The reasons for the decision are still unclear but analysts believe that it may be to avoid getting caught up in the political fights which are expected over the election of the organization’s new president.

On August 18, I wrote that the Deputy Katikkiro, Owek. Emmanuel Sendaula was scheduled to attend the UNAA conference in Chicago over the American Labor Day weekend (first weekend in September) this year (see”Owek. Sendaula And Uganda Style Politics Expected At Chicago UNAA“). He was expected to lead a delegation, which would include Kabaka’s minister for tourism, Owek. Nakiwala Kiyingi. It is still unclear who will be in the Mmengo delegation and who will lead it.

These developments come right after of a clear and strong statement by Kabaka Mutebi last weekend that Buganda was moving ahead on its match to self-determination even if some people are not bright enough to understand what Baganda mean by Federo. Kabaka Mutebi’s guidance last weekend, has left some Baganda in North America concerned that Mmengo’s attendance and active involvement in UNAA’s decisive and unfamiliar politics could sabotage the Kabaka’s message among American Baganda.

According to reports from Chicago, USA, Deputy Katikkiro, Owek.  Emmanuel Sendaula is expected to attend the UNAA conference in that city on the America Labor Day weekend. Owek. Sendaula will lead a Mmengo team, which will include Minister for Tourism, Nakiwala-Kiyingi. It is still unclear what role the Deputy Katikkiro will play at UNAA, which is expected to be attended by at least 50 Uganda governmental officials. However, there are reports that Minister Nakiwala-Kiyingi will announce one well known NRM as Buganda’s tourism representative in USA and Canada.  We have already received an email claiming that certain Baganda who want to see more transparency and support for Kabaka from Mmengo plan to demand “okunyonyolwa lwaaki Ssabasajja n’abataka tebawagirwa kimala” from the Deputy Katikkiro. The same Baganda also plan to demand that Minister Nakiwala-Kiyingi explain what qualifications her choice of Buganda tourism representative in North America has for such a sensitive job. And why she selected him in a non-transparent and suspicious way, typical of NRM.

The decision by Katikkiro Walusimbi to send a Mmengo delegation to UNAA could be seem as clear evidence that his commitment is with the NRM dominated Uganda politics than Buganda’s fight for her rights which Kabaka Mutebi is talking about. That is because last year, Katikkiro Walusimbi boycotted the Baganda international conference, Ttabamiruka ‘08. According to www.ttabamiruka.com, the planning for Ttabamiruka ‘10 should be already going on. Ttabamiruka focus on Buganda issues only and does not allow any Uganda style politics.

The UNAA conference this year is expected to be most affected by Uganda politics in history. There is concern by the organizers that Uganda style politics will take over during the elections of the new UNAA leadership because Mr. Museveni is determined to control UNAA. The current president, Frank Musisi is competing against Edward Wilson and Flex Kabuye, younger brother Colonel Kayanja of the infamous Operation Wembley.  Musisi beat Wilson two years ago. Supporters of Mr. Musisi, who is independent of Uganda politics, are upset about the close relationship his two opponents have with the NRM government.  In places like Boston, Edward Wilson and Flex Kabuye are routinely referred to as the NRM candidates . Musisi’s supporters are genuinely afraid that one of the NRM candidates will declare support for the other one (whoever appears to be strongest) in order to beat Musisi through a Uganda style kavuyo.

In the meantime, the UNAA organizers chose to give the conference a truly Ugandan flavor by inviting Illinois Senator Roland Burriss as the keynote speaker. Senator Roland is a colorful man who was appointed to the senate by former Governor Rod Blagojevich in the middle of impeachment proceedings involving the selling of President Obama’s former seat.  During the impeachment trial, tapes were audio tapes were publicly played where now Senator Burriss discussed raising funds for the Governor and at the same time expressed interest in being appointed to replace Obama to the Senate seat.

In a letter which a New York based Muganda analysts has called “clear evidence that Museveni is a tired, drowning and anti-Ganda man who Baganda must avoid at all times”, the Uganda strongman called Baganda sub imperialists who grabbed Bunyoro land and turned it into mailo land. Mr. Museveni’s letter, seen by many Baganda as an unveiled anti-Ganda hate campaign, has been read more than once on government radio stations.

In the unsolicited public letter to his own minister of Presidency, Museveni says that the purpose of his memo is “to guide you [the minister] in the tasks you are [she is] to handle in the matter of the Banyoro-Bafuriki question in Bunyoro Region.” Bafuruki are Bakiga, Balaalo, Banyankore and other westerners who have migrated to Bunyoro over the last few decades. Over the last 10 years, the so-called Kibaale district has experienced sporadic land wars between Banyoro and Bafuruki, sometimes resulting in big losses of human life and property.

Mr. Museveni described the problem as, “the modus vivendus between the Banyoro and the Bafuruki in terms of land, and political rights.” (NOTE: Mr. Museveni probably meant to say modus vivendi). Elaborating further, the Uganda strongman claims that the problem has three major elements:

• The land grabbed by the British colonialists and their Mengo-sub imperialists and turned into Mailo land.
• Former public land currently occupied by the Bafuruki; and
• Threatened political marginalization of the indigenous groups of the area (Buyaga and Bugangaizi) – Banyoro, Bagungu, Bachope, Baruuli, Banyara, and, curiously, the Bahima/Balaalo.

Later in his letter, Mr. Museveni, prescribes what he calls nine principles to be part of the solution. Those principles include the following two:

• Reserving elected district and sub-county (LC 5 and LC 3) political leadership positions for indigenous people of Bunyoro.
• Evicting all illegal encroachers in forest reserves without compensation and re-settling the gun toting nomadic cattle keepers (Balaalo) of Buliisa in Buganda (being done already).

As he concludes his letter, Museveni asserts that: “All this [Bunyoro land violence] is a consequence of the colonial policies also supported by the traditional chiefs like of Mengo in Uganda, of discouraging the use of Swahili as a national language. If the people of Bunyoro-the Banyoro or the Bafuruki were using Swahili, their differences would be submerged. It is the use of vernacular that provokes, in part, these contradictions.”

Commenting on Mr. Museveni’s letter, our New York based Muganda analysts said: “This is clear evidence that Museveni is a tired, drowning and anti-Ganda man who Baganda must avoid at all times. First, he tells you that Banyoro should have a monopoly on political leadership in their kingdom and controversial Balaalo must be resettled elsewhere. And when it comes to Buganda, he says that Kampala should be expanded to over 30% of Buganda so that non-Baganda can take and get a monopoly on political leadership in that part of Buganda. He also openly tells you that the problem gun toting Balaalo from Bunyoro are being resettled in Buganda – overtly courting genocide in Buganda.

“This man’s disease, whatever it is, has reached the brain. That is why Mengo must emulate Kabaka Mutebi and totally avoid this man. There is so much Buganda can do to advance, even under the current ‘occupied’ status, without talking to this genocide courting man. The challenge for Buganda is to get out of the ‘reactive’ (Museveni yagambye ki?) mode of operation and get into a ‘work according to our plan’ (Museveni yatomera) mode. Museveni is a tired, drowning man; if you stay too close to him, he might grab you and take you under with him.”

We have reproduced president Museveni’s unedited letter below (without effort to correct any spelling and grammar errors) below:

PO/16.34

15^TH July, 2008
Copy received Office of the minister of internal affairs

To the Minister in charge of the Presidency

Hon Beatrice Wabudeya, Minister of the Presidency

RE: Guidance on Banyoro Bafuuriki question.

This is to guide you in the tasks you are to handle in the matter of the Banyoro-Bafuriki question in Bunyroro Region. You should, first of all, define the problem. What is the problem? The problem, obviously, is the modus vivendus between the Banyoro and the Bafuriki in terms of land, and political rights.

This is on top of the old problem of the British Colonialists and Mengo sub-imperialists that grabbed land from Banyoro and engaged in a genocide in the region, resulting into the depopulation of the area. This means, essentially, three elements in the problem.

●The land grabbed by the British colonialists and their Mengo-sub imperialists and turned into Mailo land.

●The land currently being occupied by the Bafuruki that was part of the former public land including the forest reserve, beyond the original settlements of Luteete (Rutete) and Kisiita that were promoted by the government without foreseeing the consequences; and

●The resultant threatened political marginalization of the indigenous groups of the area-The Banyoro, the Bagungu, the Bachope, the Baruuli, Banyara, and the Bahiima.

We, the NRM members, being nationalists and panafricanists, cannot undermine our vision and program by associating ourselves with the vulgarized versions of “national integration.”

Genuine national integration must include scrupulous respect of everybody’s rights to the land of their heritage, politics, and culture. To do otherwise, is, actually, to undermine our vision and program. It is to make the threatened groups resent or even resist, legitimately, our invaluable vision. In any situation, we should always ask ourselves “where is justice in this case?” The NRM must always fight of justice -for just causes.  I am not, for instance, a monarchist. The area of Ankole, where I come from, is, obviously, thriving without a monarchy. Nevertheless, you remember that I spearheaded the restoration of monarchies in the parts of Uganda that wanted them. This was part of my nationalism and part of my panafricanism eventually.

Therefore, in the case of the Bunyoro Region, it is clear that the Banyoro are legitimately there because that is their origin. The Bafuuriki are also legitimately there because some were settled there by the central government, or, the Late Sir Tito Winyi while others have, subsequently, bought land from the original Bafuuriki, the Banyoro, or the absentee Mengo landlords. If the indigenous Banyoro had not been bled by colonialism and Mengo sub-imperialism, such an infusion of Bafuuriki would not have caused disequilibrium.

The Ankole-Mpororo area (Ankole, Rukungiri and Kanungu) is such an example. There, the Bafuuriki were settled in the amahamba (unoccupied wilderness) but the indigenous population remained in the core part of the area in large numbers. The Bafuuriki in such cases are, actually, an advantage for the areas. There can only be some minor problems like those affecting the Banyabutumbi a sub-group of the Banyakore Bahororo that used to live in Imaramagambo forest. The issues of such groups should also be addressed in a conscious way using administrative actions before they become radicalized.

The vulgarized version of integration goes like this: “We are Ugandans and we all have equal inherent rights in all parts of Uganda”-right to property, all political rights such as competing for political offices. That is correct as long as you ensure that in exercise of those inherent rights, you do not fundamentally damage the legitimate inherent rights of others- especially of those indigenous to the area. If that happens, the central government must come in to regulate the enjoyment of the inherent rights of the respective groups so that disequilibrium does not develop or become entrenched.

To throw more light on the incorrectness of the vulgarized version of integration, I would like to pose some few questions.

(i)           If the Bafuuriki dominate political space in the area to which they migrated, where do the indigenous people of the area find another political space?

(ii)          If the Bafuuriki were more nationalistic, why could they not find some person among the indigenous people and vote for them?

(iii)        Can some people from indigenous groups successfully compete, politically in the areas of origin of the Bafuuriki? If not, is this not unequal relationship?

(iv)         Suppose we were to infuse 100,000 Bafuuriki into Acholi or Karamoja, what would be the reaction? If the Acholis and Karamajongs were to react violently, would it mean that they are not Ugandan enough or would it be that the policy was wrong?

Horizontal rural migration by peasants after they have exhausted land in one area is not a progressive way of creating national integration. The more correct way is vertical migration, from the farm to the factory. That is why the factories should be detribalization centres through the use of Swahili on the work site.

Some people confuse normal individual migration with the mass insertion of big groups into an already enfeebled population on account of history. These are easy to distinguish from what we are talking about in Bunyoro. In 1955 the Banyankore (through their Ishengero) elected Hon. Kapa an immigrant from Rwanda as their first MP along with Hon. Katiti. This was positive and, besides, Kapa was a munyakorenised mufuuriki. He was, therefore, capable of defending the multidimentional interests of the Banyakore groups that is economic, political and cultural. Is this not different from a situation where two significant but different cultural groups are precipitately juxtaposed with each other? Is the situation in Bunyoro unique or otherwise?

Having thought about all this for a long time, I am proposing the following principles to be part of the solutions.

1.     Ring-fencing the LC 5 positions in the whole of Bunyoro region for the indigenous people; and also ring-fencing the sub-county leadership in the whole of Bunyoro.

2.    Ring-fencing the positions of Member of Parliament in the whole of Bunyoro region for the indeginous people except for the special constituencies created around Rutete (Lutete) and Kisita resettlement schemes. Number and two will in the spirit of article of 9 and article 10 of the 1995 Constitution of Uganda. They were also envisaged by article 32 of the constitution of Uganda which talked about affirmative action in favour of marginalized groups by reason of history or otherwise for the purpose of redressing imbalances that exist against them.

3.    All the indigenous people that were on the Mailo land in 1964 should be granted ownership and the absentee landlords should leave the land. All the indeginous people that have been on public land should get titles ownership of that land. The Bafuuriki in the settlement schemes already have their land and should get titles if they do not have them. The Bafuuriki who bought land legally should have their rights recognized.

4.    All the illegal encroachers in forest reserves should be evicted without compensation as the normadic cattle keepers of Buliisa are being settled in Buganda.

5.    The towns and trading centre should be exempted from these affirmative action measures. They should be free for all Ugandans. This is the healthy integration. The totally integrated Uganda should have its nucleus in the urban centers, factories, the hotels, the shops, the real estate etc. in oreder to promote healthy integration, industrialization should be promoted to pull redundant population from rural areas to the urban areas. Here there should be no regulation beyond ensuring that the workers are Ugandans.

6.    The indigenous people who get land should be prohibited from selling the land for 20years and also leasing it.

7.    A program of sensitising the Banyoro and Bafuuriki should be promoted.

8.    Government should have a special program for developing Bunyoro using money provided by the central government including the British funds.

9.    Finally there should a sunset clause to terminate or cause a review of this policy after 20years.

All this is a consequence of the colonial policies also supported by the traditional chiefs like of Mengo in Uganda, of discouraging the use of Swahili as a national language. If the people of Bunyoro-the Banyoro or the Bafuuriki were using Swahili, their differences would be submerged. It is the use of vernacular that provokes, in part, these contradictions. I like the indeginous languages, in fact I am about to complete a dictionary in Runyakore-Rukiga. However, I see these vanaculars not as an end in themselves. I see them as a source of enriching Swahili. That is why NRM promotes Swahili. We included it in the constitution; we use it in the army etc.

The committee, should, therefore, look at the principles I have mentioned above and see them work. You should also identify any other problems that I have not identified and propose solutions. You should propose any solutions you feel are useful in the areas for which I have suggested solutions.

Yoweri K. Museveni.

President

Copied to VP, PM, all Members of Cabinet Subcommittee of Bunyoro Issues, Head of public service, P.S/ Office of the President.