The SMS we got from out agent in Mubende town,  Buwekula county, where Sabasajja Kabaka chose to celebrate Buganda’s 14th independence observance was simple but very inspiring: “Empologoma ya Buganda ebogodde buto!” (”The lion of Buganda has roared yet again!”). In his first public statements since he was forced to go to Museveni’s statehouse and then tricked into appearing to be negotiating with a commoner, Kabaka Mutebi made it very clear that the current occupation conditions in Buganda are not acceptable.  The SMS from our reporter came seconds after Ssabasajja Kabaka told the mammoth crowd at Buganda independence day ceremonies, “The 47 years of independence which we are observing today have  been wasted by senseless conflicts and governance problems. As a result of this, our development has been paralyzed. Thinking in terms of constant conflicts must stop.”

According to our reporter, the lion of Buganda went on to give as example, leaders who practice decisive politics in an effort to divide Buganda into artificial chiefdoms. Warning that, “we must not tolerate what such leaders are doing.”

In the presence of his wife, Nnabagereka Nnaginda, the Kabaka promised that his kingdom nation will never promote constant ethnic conflicts because, “we value unity and not divisions in Buganda”.

Last week Kabaka Mutebi reluctantly went to Museveni’s state house after the Ugandan warlord threatened that if Ssabasajja did not meet him, he would introduce laws to abolish kingdoms and probably arrest  His Majesty. Our sources tell us that Kabaka Mutebi was not too concerned by Museveni’s empty talk but Katikkiro Walusimbi, other old Baganda and CBS Radio shareholders convinced him that Museveni was willing to entertain most of Buganda’s demands if the Kabaka spoke to him.  Although, Museveni dressed up properly to meet Kabaka Mutebi, including putting on dress shoes and walking his painful feet straight, he broke his promise to Walusimbi within minutes after the Buganda delegation arrived. Museveni took everyone by surprise when he told them to wait he spoke to Kabaka Mutebi for some minutes. The minutes turned into a full hour, after which Museveni’s state house and Katikkiro both started spinning that the private talks between were “ground breaking”.  Nothing on the original agenda took place because of the Museveni scam (kavuyo).

Surprisingly, next day, Katikkiro Walusimbi issued a statement claiming that, the meeting between Ssabasajja and the Ugandan warlord had removed all tensions between Buganda and her NRM occupiers (see “Katikkiro JB Walusimbi Praises Gunpoint Meeting Between Kabaka and Museveni“). Then Deputy Katikkiro Ssendaula wrote to all Kabaka’s representatives outside Buganda  asking them to tell Diaspora Baganda to be “very calm” while Mmengo talks to the occupying forces. Owek. Ssendaula’s letter angered some Baganda because it seems to focus only on  “not upsetting Museveni” and says nothing about the plight of Kabaka Mutebi and many of his loyal subjects who were murdered or are under torture in the NRM governments prisons and safe houses (see “Deputy Katikkiro and Kabaka’s Representative Anger UK Baganda“).

The consensus among all the 4 Baganda analysts who we have contacted is that Kabaka Mutebi made the strong statements in Buwekula to clearly and publicly disown the appeasing, apologetic and sometimes cowardly tone of the statements which his Katikkiro and his Deputy have been making.  One analyst named David Kasozi said: “Once a Muganda radical, always a Muganda radical. And Ssabasajja joined us Baganda radicals a long time ago. We, under Kabaka Mutebi’s leadership,  are not quitting until Buganda is ruled on her own terms, probably as an independent monarchy.”

Over the last two weeks, the chairman of president Museveni’s Uganda Broadcasting Council (UBC) has had a chats with virtually all major radio station owners and ordered them to adhere to certain “profession practices” or face closure like CBS FM Radio (Radio ya Ssabasajja). We have learnt that Mr. Mutabazi did not seek input several members of  the broadcast council and mostly depended on talking points which he put together with assistance from Robert Kabushenga, Tamale Mirundi, Robert Sebunya and Moses Byaruhanga.  His method of work angered some members of the UBC who feel abused and marginalized by state house. It is through these conditions that we received the information in Mutabazi’s talking points.

Our sources have also confirmed that president Museveni approved the measures and their ongoing implementation before he left for the UN general assembly in the USA. And after his encounter with Kabaka on Wednesday, he ordered that the measures be continued, a sign that the meeting with Kabaka did not change anything for him.

According to our sources, Godfrey Mutabazi obtained partial college education in North America before returning home in the early 1990’s to work in Museveni spy network. In 1998, he was appointed to the Uganda Broadcasting Council. He became the chairman around 2003 and started calling himself Engineer Mutabazi. He is highly secretive and ordered that information on UBC members, even names, be removed from the UBC website. Members terms are 3 years but he has been automatically reappointed 4 times.

Both Mutabazi, who implemented the closure of CBS FM Radio and General Kalyekezi Kayihura, the police commander who stopped Kabaka from going to Kayunga are Rwandese Tutsi who came to Uganda as refugees. This fact plus persistent but unconfirmed rumors that president Museveni’s unknown biological father was a Tutsi is feeding the growing belief among Baganda that their kingdom is under occupation by foreign mercenaries.

Uganda has 129 radio stations and 7 TV stations in different states of operation. The biggest broadcasting houses, of which CBS FM Radio has been the market leader for over 10 years, are mostly owned by Baganda. Their leadership significantly depended on their higher coverage of Buganda kingdom events and people, especially the Kabaka.

Besides Mutabazi, the other current UBC member are Tim Lwanga Mutekanga, George Omunyokol, Aggrey Kibenge, Kenneth Kazooba, Aga Sekalala, Kagole Kivumbi, Juliana Naumo, Godfrey Kibuuka, Patrick Mukiibi and Catherine Omaswa.

Below is an edited and reorganize version of Mutabazi’s talking points. Certain names, offices and other details have been removed or reworded to protect our sources.

UBC RULES OF THE ROAD TO BROADCASTERS

-TALKING POINTS -

(HIGHLY CONFIDENTIAL)

Kabaka

1.  Stop calling him “His Majesty”; instead use “His Highness” not to contradict the President and other NRM officials.

2.  Use “Mr. Mutebi” instead of “Kabaka” as much as possible. Start slowly and build up.

3.  Stop using the terms “Empologoma”, “Chuchu”, “Nyanja Temanyiirwa”, “Baffe”, “Namunswa” or other terms, which encourage Buganda sectarianism.

4.  Avoid stories that portray him as a strong person who is influenced by moderates and NRM supporters.

5.  Promote stories that portray him as a weak person who is under pressure from a few radical Baganda.

6.  Promote stories and images that suggest that he has a friendly relationship with H.E. the VP.

Buganda

1.  Stop playing the “Kitibwa kya Buganda” song or other nationalistic Buganda songs because they promote sectarianism.

2.  Stop referring to Buganda as a kingdom. Instead, consistently use “Central Region” or, if clarity demands it, “Buganda Region”.

3.  Stop referring to the old Buganda counties. Stick to district and constituency names (even if they include old county names in part).

4.  Freely report all stories where the Katikkiro and members of his cabinet are promoting peace, hard work, friendly relations with other Ugandans and “fair treatment” from the H. E. the President.

5.  Avoid stories that include strong pro-Buganda statements by religious leaders. Promote stories where religious leaders call for calm

6.  Don’t use the words “genocide” or “occupation” or “torture” or “safe house” or similar words in connection with any arrests of Baganda for any reasons.

7.  Refer to Banyala as an ethnic minority which is fighting to secede from Buganda. Stop mentioning the population of Banyala.

8.  Do not promote Baganda only events like clan football matches, cultural competitions, Nkoba za Mbogo, etc.

Buganda Radicals and Rioters

1.  Stop reporting stories on the activities of Allan Waligo, Nambooze, Sseggona, Muliika, Nsubuga Nsambu, Mpanga, Nkoba za Mbogo, and other Baganda radicals. The exception is when the story suggests that they are becoming weak and trying to incite violence against non Baganda.

2.  Keep reporting on police cases against Nambooze, Lukwago and other similar anti-government activists to a minimum.

3.  Do not use the term “political prisoners” to refer to any of the rioters.

4.  Avoid referring to the those who participated in the Kayunga related rioting as “Baganda” since some of them were not Baganda. The rioters were common criminals and a few anti-government elements who exploited the situation to loot.

5. When it make sense you can refer to the radicals who incite violence or those who engage in riots as “terrorists”

Mengo

1.  Stop reporting stories on the activities of Waliggo, Nambooze, Sseggona, Muliika, Nsubuga Nsambu, Nkoba za Mbogo, and other Baganda radicals. The exception is when the story suggests that they are becoming weak and cannot incite Baganda sectarianism.

2.  Keep reporting on police cases against Nambooze, Lukwago and other similar anti-government activists to a minimum.

3.  Avoid using terms like “Buganda Government” or “Buganda Kingdom Government”.

4.  Report positively on the Katikiro and other Mengo people who don’t make outwardly sectarian statement.

5.  Report positively on health, agriculture, education and other developmental program by Mengo.

6. Avoid using the “Owekitibwa” title becuase it can cause misplaced feeling of importance.

On Friday September 11, 2009, president Museveni’s security operatives ambushed and kidnapped Robert Serumaga, a Muganda journalist, as he left a live WCBS TV debate where he spoke against Museveni’s mistreatment of Ssabasajja Kabaka Mutebi.  In a manner reminiscent of Idi Amin days, Museveni has resorted to arresting his political opponents by ambushing them , forcing them into civilian cars without explaining to them or others with them what is going on and  speeding them off to extralegal  ”safe houses” where they are tortured before getting handed over to the police.

After Robert Serumaga was kidnapped, he was taken to a torture facility and severely beaten up, according to doctors at Kampala International Hospital where the police took him after Museveni’s security operatives handed him over in bad shape. The head of the hospital, Dr. Ian Clarke, told the press that Serumaga has suffered multiple concussions as a result of the Idi Amin style head blows. He was also suffering from memory loss.

An inside view of sequence of events as Serumaga got kidnapped is provided by another journalist, Bernard Tabaire, who was a co-panelist with Serumaga on the TV program and an eyewitness to the crime. In his opinion piece published today by the Aga Khan’s Monitor Newspaper, Tabaire narrates abduction as follows:

I got to my car and promptly got distracted trying to tip a rather sleepy guard. The moment I opened the car, I heard commotion. I looked in the rear-view mirror and saw someone being dragged up Dewinton Rise. Being a Friday night, I dismissed the whole thing as some drunkard being helped by friends. I shut the car door ready to fire up the engine. Just then I heard Maria’s voice. They are taking Robert, she cried.

Damn! It cannot be. It was 11 p.m. Minutes earlier, in the studio, we had talked about free expression being curtailed so casually yet so sweepingly in the chaos of the moment.

I turned my head. Three men or so were dragging Serumaga along the rough Dewinton Rise. They had reached a spot in front of Walusimbi’s Garage (corner of Dewinton Rise and Dewinton Road) that was all wet because of a broken water pipe some place nearby. A battered white saloon car was reversing into position on the Dewinton Road side of Walusimbi’s. With Serumaga bundled into the back of the car, it sped off towards Siad Barre Avenue and into Kampala’s dangerous unknown where, ironically, state security agencies rule.

That was rattling. It is one thing to hear and read about these things. It is another to see them happen to someone you know and to actually witness it. Rattled or not, our phones lit up. They had to. We had to get word out for all it was worth. In the process, I spoke to someone in the security services who claimed to be aware of all that was happening. The source said agents would subject Serumaga to severe psychological stress to teach him a lesson. And that the earliest they would release him would be Wednesday (as it turns out, he was released on Tuesday after being charged with six counts of sedition). The source also hinted that Serumaga was being picked up as part of an elaborate campaign to tame the media, and not so much for what he said that Friday night on WBS but for a series of utterances and writings over time on his Spectrum talk-show on Radio One and elsewhere. The source added that the government is tired of Mengo’s machinations and it was time to deal with it decisively; and that whatever happens, Mengo’s CBS radio would never return on the air. “CBS is banned,” the sourced said. “Whatever Mengo does, CBS is banned.”