According to a Boston based improvised radio station, using multimedia SMS messages to broadcast, Kabaka Mutebi will shortly travel to South Africa on November 10, 2009, to visit his subject Betty Nambooze. The SMS broadcast, which one of our readers downloaded and emailed to us, carries the “Ekiba Kibe Program”, presented by Robert Kabuye. In a charismatic brave voice Kabuye first announces that Betty Nambooze is in terrible medical shape and appears to face certain death. Apparently, because “her intestines fast disintegrating.” Kabuye repeats what Nambooze has said for years now, that Museveni’s security people injected her with some suspicious chemical when she was in police custody.

Also in the SMS Kabuye, who keeps saying “Museveni must go” throughout his broadcast, claims that Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi will travel to South Africa on Tuesday this week, to visit Betty Nambooze Bakireke. We have not been able to independently confirm if Nambooze is facing certain death or whether Ssabasajja will indeed travel as Mr. Kabuye says. Click on this link Ekibakibe_09Sep09A.wav to listen to Mr. Kabuye.

Mr. Kabuye has made himself a name as a very effective communicator, who has mastered the multi-media SMS technology. His messages get to hundreds of Bagadna phones in the USA, Europe, Uganda and other countries. Sources also tell us that Mr. Kabuye is a very strong supporter of Frank Musisi, the former UNAA president. Indeed he intially started his SMS radio to campaign for Musisi when he was running for UNAA president. The same sources tell us that Mr. Kabuye’s energy and excellent communication skills also did a lot to get over 300 to attended the recent Emergency Buganda  Conference, organized by John Mayanja (see “Resolutions of the Buganda Emergency Meeting in Boston on October 17, 2009‏”).

In another related story, the people of Buganda were gripped by anxiety, anger and despair over the weekend after rumors spread by text messages that Betty Nambooze had died. Our source in Kayembe, near Nakasero market, told this writer: “The situation was tense and we feared that if the rumors got confirmed, anything could explode. The problem is that one could not tell where the rumor started. And because of the CBS Radio shut down we did not know who to listen to. Now, we have gotten to know that in fact the rumor was intentionally spread by ISO on instructions from Museveni’s statehouse.”

A New Jersey Muganda resident and United States citizen sent us an email on November 4, 2009, proposing a pledge of allegiance for Baganda all over world. The email says: “No question about it, the Kabaka and his subjects in Buganda are in captivity today. Buganda is in a constant state of emergency. Since we are under constant attack by the enemy, it is time for every loyal Muganda to openly declare their full allegiance to the Kabaka and our other institutions. And for those who have their allegiance elsewhere, like Nsibambi or Bukenya or Sekandi, to be officially exposed.”

The Muganda explained that:  “Having a simple pledge like this, which even school children and old people can recite every day shall help us to stay on focus until  our nation is rescued.”

Below is the text of proposed Buganda Pledge of Allegiance . The author admits that it is about 90% based on the United States pledge of allegiance . He also hopes that Buganda Post readers who know good Luganda can properly translate the pledge to Buganda’s national language and suggest changes.

BUGANDA PLEDGE OF ALLEGIANCE

I pledge allegiance to the institution of Kabaka, the Baganda clans, and the Buganda Kingdom for which they stand, one nation, indivisible, under God, with liberty and justice for all.

[Editor: Please include any suggested changes or translations in comments under this story.]

President Museveni’s NRM occupation government is starting to feel the cost of keeping the kingdom of Buganda in a virtual state of emergency. Since early September 2009, Museveni has spent billions of Uganda Shillings in resources to destabilize Kabaka Mutebi, monitor and block Baganda radio and phone communications, block unfriendly Internet addresses, fund pro-Region Tier forces in Mmengo and redeploy at least 65% of all Uganda’s police and army in Buganda.  The panic expenditure, together with the accompanying graft by those managing the funds has left the occupation NRM government in a financial fix. To cope, Museveni is reportedly, raiding certain government institutions, where aid donors cannot easily trace misuse of funds.

Our source in Uganda’s ministry of Finance has told us that the list of organizations that the NRM government is raiding include Bank of Uganda (BOU), National Social Secrity Fund (NSSF), NAADS and the President’s patriotism development fund. The source said: “BOU is easy because, the governor, Emmanuel Mutebire and the secretary to treasury, Chris Kassami are both veteran embezzlers. And they now have younger leutenants in Naome Nassasira and Keith Muhakanizi to oversee the thefts. The NSSF could have been more complicated because it has been in the papers too much. That is why they appointed a brand new board, with a solid number of thieves, to ensure full cooperation when government raids the organization. Even UPE will not be spared. There are plans to reallocate huge sums of money from students and combine those moneys with billions from Museveni’s patriotism development fund  to massively recruit ‘patriotic’ teachers as a backbone of a new spy network within Buganda. The reason they are looking at NAADS is because they have successfully used it in the past to bribe LCs and settle Balaalo and other foreigners in Buganda, without donor interference.”

On a related note, our ministry of Finance source points out that at least 30-40% of the money being spent to maintain the Buganda occupation is stolen by the implementers and NRM politicians. According the the source: “Because of the secrecy, there is no accountability and everyone involved in the illegal financial raids make sure to keep some. Even Museveni and his family are actively chasing the patriotism fund. It is like everyone is trying to get what they can before the next Baganda riots break out. “

The SMS we got from out agent in Mubende town,  Buwekula county, where Sabasajja Kabaka chose to celebrate Buganda’s 14th independence observance was simple but very inspiring: “Empologoma ya Buganda ebogodde buto!” (”The lion of Buganda has roared yet again!”). In his first public statements since he was forced to go to Museveni’s statehouse and then tricked into appearing to be negotiating with a commoner, Kabaka Mutebi made it very clear that the current occupation conditions in Buganda are not acceptable.  The SMS from our reporter came seconds after Ssabasajja Kabaka told the mammoth crowd at Buganda independence day ceremonies, “The 47 years of independence which we are observing today have  been wasted by senseless conflicts and governance problems. As a result of this, our development has been paralyzed. Thinking in terms of constant conflicts must stop.”

According to our reporter, the lion of Buganda went on to give as example, leaders who practice decisive politics in an effort to divide Buganda into artificial chiefdoms. Warning that, “we must not tolerate what such leaders are doing.”

In the presence of his wife, Nnabagereka Nnaginda, the Kabaka promised that his kingdom nation will never promote constant ethnic conflicts because, “we value unity and not divisions in Buganda”.

Last week Kabaka Mutebi reluctantly went to Museveni’s state house after the Ugandan warlord threatened that if Ssabasajja did not meet him, he would introduce laws to abolish kingdoms and probably arrest  His Majesty. Our sources tell us that Kabaka Mutebi was not too concerned by Museveni’s empty talk but Katikkiro Walusimbi, other old Baganda and CBS Radio shareholders convinced him that Museveni was willing to entertain most of Buganda’s demands if the Kabaka spoke to him.  Although, Museveni dressed up properly to meet Kabaka Mutebi, including putting on dress shoes and walking his painful feet straight, he broke his promise to Walusimbi within minutes after the Buganda delegation arrived. Museveni took everyone by surprise when he told them to wait he spoke to Kabaka Mutebi for some minutes. The minutes turned into a full hour, after which Museveni’s state house and Katikkiro both started spinning that the private talks between were “ground breaking”.  Nothing on the original agenda took place because of the Museveni scam (kavuyo).

Surprisingly, next day, Katikkiro Walusimbi issued a statement claiming that, the meeting between Ssabasajja and the Ugandan warlord had removed all tensions between Buganda and her NRM occupiers (see “Katikkiro JB Walusimbi Praises Gunpoint Meeting Between Kabaka and Museveni“). Then Deputy Katikkiro Ssendaula wrote to all Kabaka’s representatives outside Buganda  asking them to tell Diaspora Baganda to be “very calm” while Mmengo talks to the occupying forces. Owek. Ssendaula’s letter angered some Baganda because it seems to focus only on  “not upsetting Museveni” and says nothing about the plight of Kabaka Mutebi and many of his loyal subjects who were murdered or are under torture in the NRM governments prisons and safe houses (see “Deputy Katikkiro and Kabaka’s Representative Anger UK Baganda“).

The consensus among all the 4 Baganda analysts who we have contacted is that Kabaka Mutebi made the strong statements in Buwekula to clearly and publicly disown the appeasing, apologetic and sometimes cowardly tone of the statements which his Katikkiro and his Deputy have been making.  One analyst named David Kasozi said: “Once a Muganda radical, always a Muganda radical. And Ssabasajja joined us Baganda radicals a long time ago. We, under Kabaka Mutebi’s leadership,  are not quitting until Buganda is ruled on her own terms, probably as an independent monarchy.”

Uganda police sources indicate that the number of people who have been arrested in connection with the Kayunga demonstrations is has now grown to over 1,000 and rouge officers and magistrates are making quick money. In the first 5 days after the disturbances where the NRM police and army shot dead 30 Baganda, about 600 people were arrested. Since then, the police has continued to arrest more Baganda, claiming that they are looking for ringleaders and other participants in what they (the police) claim to be public violence and terrorist activities.

Baganda sources within Museveni’s  police force have informed us that the primary reasons why so many people are being arrested are politics and money.  One source told us: “These arrests were ordered from the very top for political reasons. They provide a chance for the NRM to shut up its loudest opponents in Mmengo and the opposition parties, especially DP.  It is one way to put make it difficult for the opposition to start organizing themselves for the 2011 campaigns. The majority are arrested not because of evidence that they did anything but because they used to talk a lot against the NRM government on radio stations. So many of them are Baganda DP or FDC campaigners. In some cases the evidence is manufactured using tips from Banyankore, Bakiga and other non-Baganda who are NRM moles in the opposition parties.”

Another Muganda veteran police officer told our investigator that money is also a big reason why the arrests are growing. The office explained: “As you may expect, when an innocent Muganda is arrested on allegations of inciting violence, his or her family will normally be desperate to have him freed on bail. The arresting officers and the magistrate make some quick money by charging the desperate family anywhere between Shs 150,000 and Shs 400,000 (US$74 to $198) depending on situation. They eat the money and in the books they write that the suspect has been freed on a ‘no cash’ police bond. In law this is called extortion and I know that top people in the police force know that it is going on or may even be supporting it.”

The Uganda police force is commanded by Kalyekezi Kayihura, a Rwanda national who came to Uganda as a refugee and joined Uganda police where Mr. Museveni quickly rose him to the rank of General.

Over the last two weeks, the chairman of president Museveni’s Uganda Broadcasting Council (UBC) has had a chats with virtually all major radio station owners and ordered them to adhere to certain “profession practices” or face closure like CBS FM Radio (Radio ya Ssabasajja). We have learnt that Mr. Mutabazi did not seek input several members of  the broadcast council and mostly depended on talking points which he put together with assistance from Robert Kabushenga, Tamale Mirundi, Robert Sebunya and Moses Byaruhanga.  His method of work angered some members of the UBC who feel abused and marginalized by state house. It is through these conditions that we received the information in Mutabazi’s talking points.

Our sources have also confirmed that president Museveni approved the measures and their ongoing implementation before he left for the UN general assembly in the USA. And after his encounter with Kabaka on Wednesday, he ordered that the measures be continued, a sign that the meeting with Kabaka did not change anything for him.

According to our sources, Godfrey Mutabazi obtained partial college education in North America before returning home in the early 1990’s to work in Museveni spy network. In 1998, he was appointed to the Uganda Broadcasting Council. He became the chairman around 2003 and started calling himself Engineer Mutabazi. He is highly secretive and ordered that information on UBC members, even names, be removed from the UBC website. Members terms are 3 years but he has been automatically reappointed 4 times.

Both Mutabazi, who implemented the closure of CBS FM Radio and General Kalyekezi Kayihura, the police commander who stopped Kabaka from going to Kayunga are Rwandese Tutsi who came to Uganda as refugees. This fact plus persistent but unconfirmed rumors that president Museveni’s unknown biological father was a Tutsi is feeding the growing belief among Baganda that their kingdom is under occupation by foreign mercenaries.

Uganda has 129 radio stations and 7 TV stations in different states of operation. The biggest broadcasting houses, of which CBS FM Radio has been the market leader for over 10 years, are mostly owned by Baganda. Their leadership significantly depended on their higher coverage of Buganda kingdom events and people, especially the Kabaka.

Besides Mutabazi, the other current UBC member are Tim Lwanga Mutekanga, George Omunyokol, Aggrey Kibenge, Kenneth Kazooba, Aga Sekalala, Kagole Kivumbi, Juliana Naumo, Godfrey Kibuuka, Patrick Mukiibi and Catherine Omaswa.

Below is an edited and reorganize version of Mutabazi’s talking points. Certain names, offices and other details have been removed or reworded to protect our sources.

UBC RULES OF THE ROAD TO BROADCASTERS

-TALKING POINTS -

(HIGHLY CONFIDENTIAL)

Kabaka

1.  Stop calling him “His Majesty”; instead use “His Highness” not to contradict the President and other NRM officials.

2.  Use “Mr. Mutebi” instead of “Kabaka” as much as possible. Start slowly and build up.

3.  Stop using the terms “Empologoma”, “Chuchu”, “Nyanja Temanyiirwa”, “Baffe”, “Namunswa” or other terms, which encourage Buganda sectarianism.

4.  Avoid stories that portray him as a strong person who is influenced by moderates and NRM supporters.

5.  Promote stories that portray him as a weak person who is under pressure from a few radical Baganda.

6.  Promote stories and images that suggest that he has a friendly relationship with H.E. the VP.

Buganda

1.  Stop playing the “Kitibwa kya Buganda” song or other nationalistic Buganda songs because they promote sectarianism.

2.  Stop referring to Buganda as a kingdom. Instead, consistently use “Central Region” or, if clarity demands it, “Buganda Region”.

3.  Stop referring to the old Buganda counties. Stick to district and constituency names (even if they include old county names in part).

4.  Freely report all stories where the Katikkiro and members of his cabinet are promoting peace, hard work, friendly relations with other Ugandans and “fair treatment” from the H. E. the President.

5.  Avoid stories that include strong pro-Buganda statements by religious leaders. Promote stories where religious leaders call for calm

6.  Don’t use the words “genocide” or “occupation” or “torture” or “safe house” or similar words in connection with any arrests of Baganda for any reasons.

7.  Refer to Banyala as an ethnic minority which is fighting to secede from Buganda. Stop mentioning the population of Banyala.

8.  Do not promote Baganda only events like clan football matches, cultural competitions, Nkoba za Mbogo, etc.

Buganda Radicals and Rioters

1.  Stop reporting stories on the activities of Allan Waligo, Nambooze, Sseggona, Muliika, Nsubuga Nsambu, Mpanga, Nkoba za Mbogo, and other Baganda radicals. The exception is when the story suggests that they are becoming weak and trying to incite violence against non Baganda.

2.  Keep reporting on police cases against Nambooze, Lukwago and other similar anti-government activists to a minimum.

3.  Do not use the term “political prisoners” to refer to any of the rioters.

4.  Avoid referring to the those who participated in the Kayunga related rioting as “Baganda” since some of them were not Baganda. The rioters were common criminals and a few anti-government elements who exploited the situation to loot.

5. When it make sense you can refer to the radicals who incite violence or those who engage in riots as “terrorists”

Mengo

1.  Stop reporting stories on the activities of Waliggo, Nambooze, Sseggona, Muliika, Nsubuga Nsambu, Nkoba za Mbogo, and other Baganda radicals. The exception is when the story suggests that they are becoming weak and cannot incite Baganda sectarianism.

2.  Keep reporting on police cases against Nambooze, Lukwago and other similar anti-government activists to a minimum.

3.  Avoid using terms like “Buganda Government” or “Buganda Kingdom Government”.

4.  Report positively on the Katikiro and other Mengo people who don’t make outwardly sectarian statement.

5.  Report positively on health, agriculture, education and other developmental program by Mengo.

6. Avoid using the “Owekitibwa” title becuase it can cause misplaced feeling of importance.

PRESS RELEASE

Uganda: Troops Killed Unarmed People in Riot Period
No Lethal Force Necessary in at Least 13 Fatal Shootings

(Kampala, October 1, 2009) – The Ugandan government should immediately order an independent investigation into the killing of unarmed persons during and after riots in Kampala on September 10 and 11, 2009, Human Rights Watch said today.

A Human Rights Watch investigation found that at least 13 people were shot by government forces in situations where lethal force was unnecessary. The Minister of Internal Affairs reported to parliament that 27 people had died during the riots and that seven were uninvolved in riot activity.

“Shooting in self defense is one thing, but we found that some soldiers shot at bystanders and shot through locked doors,” said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “The government needs to put an impartial investigation in motion now.”

The riots in Kampala, Uganda’s capital, began on September 10, when police blocked a delegation representing the Buganda kingdom from visiting Kayunga district. The cultural king of Buganda, known as the kabaka, was planning to visit Kayunga for National Youth Day two days later. The visit was opposed by leaders of the Banyala ethnic group in Kayunga, who reject the kabaka’s authority. The kabaka’s supporters took to the streets to protest the police action, and violence began soon afterward.

Sources at Kampala’s main hospital, Mulago, indicate that 88 victims of the violence were admitted for treatment over this period, most for gunshot wounds. Victims were taken to other hospitals as well. According to the minister of internal affairs, at least 846 people were arrested for alleged crimes committed during the riots, and the arrests continue. At least 24 of the alleged rioters have been charged with terrorism for destroying government property, and many others have been charged with unlawful assembly and inciting violence.

During and after the unrest, Human Rights Watch interviewed more than 50 victims and their family members, witnesses, doctors, and local and senior government officials. On-the-ground research was conducted into the circumstances surrounding the violence in the Kampala neighborhoods of Nateete, Kasubi, Busega, Ndeeba, Bwaise, Bunga, the Salaama Road at Nakinyuguzi zone, and in Mpigi town.

Human Rights Watch investigated several fatal and non-fatal shootings by security forces on September 10 and 11 that raise serious questions about the level of force employed in response to the riots. In a number of cases throughout the city, there is strong evidence that security forces shot individuals who were not threatening them or others.

This challenges statements by some government officials that live ammunition was only fired into the air to clear the streets of protesters.

However, President Yoweri Museveni, addressing parliament on September 10, after the riots broke out, contended that “initially police acted slowly” in response to the unrest. “Looters,” he said, “will be shot on sight, as will those who attack civilians.”

Human Rights Watch said that investigations should look into the circumstances of the rioting and into how to improve policing during demonstrations. Thus far, there is no clear evidence to support the contention of some Ugandan government officials that the Kampala riots were organized in advance. The Buganda kingdom government has denied any role in organizing the riots. Some rioters do appear to have employed parallel tactics, such as burning tires to block roads in several areas of the city, especially on the afternoon of September 10.

Human Rights Watch urged the police and other security forces to abide by the United Nations Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials. The principles call upon law enforcement officials, including military units responding to national emergencies, to apply nonviolent means before resorting to the use of force, to use force only in proportion to the seriousness of the offense, and to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable to protect life. The principles also provide that governments shall ensure that arbitrary or abusive use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials is punished as a criminal offense under their law.

“Much of the attention has focused on the politics surrounding recent events,” said Gagnon. “But the real tragedy is that families have lost loved ones in entirely unnecessary circumstances. They deserve to see justice done.”

Violence and the Response

Human Rights Watch found that in the early stages of the demonstrations on September 10, some protesters resorted to violence in some areas of Kampala, burning at least five cars, one passenger bus, and one delivery truck, blocking some main roads with burning tires and debris, looting shops, and throwing rocks at police and members of the armed forces. In Nateete, protesters burned a police station. In Bwaise, a factory was set on fire. No one was reported injured in either fire, and local hospitals did not report any burn victims. Police, some in riot gear, used teargas in several areas of the city.

Uganda’s inspector general of police (IGP), Maj. Gen. Kale Kayihura, told Human Rights Watch that military police and the army’s Presidential Guard Brigade were deployed under his orders to support the police beginning at around 4 p.m. on September 10, and that infantry soldiers were deployed in support shortly thereafter. Kayihura said that these units fired live ammunition into the air to scatter rioters.

Human Rights Watch’s research indicates that the security forces faced some situations in which the use of firearms may have been warranted. One witness described seeing a rioter steal a civilian security guard’s gun near Kampala Bus Park on September 10 and shoot a policeman in the leg. Kayihura provided two other instances, in Nateete and Sseta, where rioters fired on the security forces. It remains unclear if anyone was injured in those two instances, and those events were not investigated by Human Rights Watch.

Kayihura told Human Rights Watch that, while all government forces had been ordered to use minimum force, non-lethal options such as rubber bullets and pepper spray are not standard issue in all police posts. He claimed that the security forces had few alternatives to shooting live ammunition into the air. Other knowledgeable sources in the police told Human Rights Watch that the police stocks of tear gas had run low and that officials feared they lacked the means to secure the city without using firearms.

Where Lethal Force Was Not Necessary

However, among the episodes that raise serious questions about the use of force, in Bwaise on September 10, local people gathered to observe the fire brigade fight a fire set by rioters earlier that afternoon. An army armored personnel carrier drove by the crowd and the troops on board fired, striking Hussein Mujuuka in the back of the head and killing him instantly. At least 10 others were wounded by the gunfire. Several witnesses told Human Rights Watch that local residents responded by burning tires along the Bwaise-Kampala Road. They said that shootings by the military continued during the evening hours in Bwaise and that many other people were wounded. Deaths from military gunfire also occurred the same day in Kawempe, Nakulabye, Mulago, and the Ndeeba areas of Kampala.

Security forces using live ammunition caused many injuries and at least six deaths on September 11. Witnesses and victims told Human Rights Watch that most Kampala communities were trying to return to normal business after the previous day’s unrest. However, soldiers heavily deployed both on foot and in armored personnel carriers in some areas of the city fired live ammunition. There is evidence in some instances that they deliberately shot and killed or wounded people who were not actively involved in demonstrations or unrest.

For example, military units, some accompanied by police forces deployed in Ndeeba that morning, apparently ordered people on the roads to return home. Over several hours, soldiers shot and killed one person and seriously wounded two more. In each case, the victims were shot after they had entered their homes or workplaces. Witnesses said that soldiers apparently pursued people several hundred meters from the main roads and fired their weapons through locked doors. However, no official curfew had been imposed.

Kinaalwa Sseddulaaka Jackson, the owner of a dry cleaning shop about 100 meters from the Masaka road in Tomusange zone, Ndeeba, hid in his back storage room and locked the back door when an army armored personnel carrier entered Ndeeba and soldiers on board began shooting. A few minutes later, a uniformed soldier walked through the area and fired his AK-47 through Sseddulaaka’s back door, killing him instantly. Human Rights Watch researchers saw two bullet holes in that door, as well as five other bullet holes in doors and walls in the neighborhood. All were in the lower half of the doors and walls.

Soldiers and police also deployed around Nateete market that morning, closing the main gate even though the market was filled with food vendors and customers. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that uniformed soldiers, some wearing the red berets of the military police, began to attack people with sticks and batons, and ordered them to clear the streets and return home. Several women selling matoke (plantains) showed Human Rights Watch large contusions and bruises from having been beaten while trying to flee.

The witnesses said that the soldiers then began firing their weapons, both in the air and into the crowds. One customer was killed and another wounded. One female vendor showed Human Rights Watch where she had been grazed by a bullet on her hip, requiring medical treatment. Human Rights Watch saw three bullet holes in the market walls and three others through its iron roof sheeting.

In Busega, an area dense with open-air shops and stalls, soldiers shot and killed two people in separate incidents that morning. Residents and officials reported that on the previous day, rioters in the area had blocked roads with fires and demanded money from those trying to enter Kampala by car. Rioters had looted a Coca Cola truck and burned it. The situation calmed by 7 p.m. that day, and the shops along the road had reopened. Witnesses said the area had remained calm the next morning until a military armored personnel carrier and military and police trucks drove through, in some cases telling people to clear the streets and return home. The shops closed quickly when soldiers in the personnel carrier began firing live bullets, but 13-year-old Daoudi Ssentongo was struck in the head and killed inside his family’s shop when a bullet ripped through a refrigerator next door. His death triggered more demonstrations, and members of the community tried to block the personnel carrier from re-entering the area by burning debris in the road.

Near where the youth died, soldiers on foot chased people away from the main roundabout, evidently to arrest or deter rioters. Soldiers pursued several young men who ran away. Ronald Kasagga, who supplied ice to the area’s fish vendors, was fatally shot in the chest at close range by a soldier. Witnesses said that the soldier yelled “Stop!” and that when Kasagga turned around, the soldier fired.

Around 11 a.m. on September 11 in Kasubi zone 4, rioters had been taunting nearby soldiers and throwing rocks near a gas station on the main road, witnesses said. When the soldiers pursued them, they ran up the hill, past the home of Stella Kabasinguzi, who had left her house briefly, seeking bread for her three children. The soldiers approached her home, and Kabasinguzi immediately raised her hands in the air. A soldier shot her, in front of her children. She died on the way to the hospital. Human Rights Watch observed three bullet holes through doors in other homes in zone 4, more than 100 meters from the main road where riots had occurred. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that a soldier on foot demanded that people go inside their homes, and shot through the doors when some hesitated.

Throughout the city on September 11, soldiers and police threatened and beat people to obtain information about the whereabouts of alleged rioters. A woman making tea outside her restaurant in Ndeeba was questioned by a uniformed soldier carrying an AK-47. According to several people interviewed separately, when she did not have answers to his questions, he poured the hot tea on her back. He then stuck the gun barrel into her mouth and demanded to know where rioters were hiding. She escaped only after bystanders diverted his attention.

Nile Broadcasting Services broadcast video of police and military patrolling areas on September 11, beating people sitting and standing near their homes in Kazo and throwing them into the backs of police trucks. The authorities did not request names or identity documents before arresting them. In one instance, when a man protested being forcibly removed from his home, he was beaten repeatedly. Police took truckloads of suspects to Kawempe police station. Human Rights Watch researchers observed similar actions on Salaama Road that afternoon.

On September 10, government officials told television stations to stop broadcasting live pictures of the violence. In some instances, government forces forcibly removed video footage from TV stations, appropriated journalists’ cameras and videotapes, and deleted photographs of dead bodies. Some journalists were beaten attempting to report on the unfolding events. The state-owned newspaper, The New Vision, inaccurately reported that mobs had on September 11 burned two people to death in Ndeeba. Local officials from Ndeeba and other knowledgeable sources informed Human Rights Watch that no rioters had burned people, but The New Vision has yet to issue corrections.

The Police Explanation

Police Inspector General Kayihura told Human Rights Watch that the police lacked capacity to respond to the speed and geographical breadth of the events of September 10. Unrest in previous years had centered on Kampala’s Central Business District and had not extended into the populous residential neighborhoods. He said that Uganda’s military police, the Presidential Guard Brigade, and regular army units had both the equipment and the mobility to respond to the unrest. He said that the military police, like the civilian police, have had training in riot control, and that the armored personnel carriers were deployed to help move units around the suburbs where riots were taking place. He said the Ugandan military possesses four of these vehicles – two Gila and two Mamba anti-riot vehicles, which can also be used for “fighting terrorism and insurgency.”

Kayihura said that seven of the 27 reported killed during the riots were not involved in the riots at the time of their deaths, and that they were hit by “stray bullets.” He told Human Rights Watch that the deaths were unfortunate and regrettable, but that the security forces had shown restraint in their response to the unrest. He said that two policemen had been arrested for shooting in the air in Kasubi (the arrests appear unrelated to the death of Kabasinguzi). He said that investigations would be conducted into the circumstances of all the deaths during the riots, but also cited section 69 of Uganda’s penal code, which states that police may use “all such force as is reasonably necessary for overcoming” a riot and police “shall not be liable in any criminal or civil proceeding for having, by the use of such force, caused harm or death to any person.”

According to statements quoted in The New Vision newspaper by the army spokesman, Lt. Col. Felix Kulayigye, military units were deployed under article 209(b) of the constitution, which states that the Ugandan People’s Defence Forces shall “cooperate with the civilian authority in emergency situations” and that once deployed, they act under orders of the inspector general of police.” Kulayigye contended that the situation was “a war” and that the riots had had “genocidal tendencies.” He placed blame for the deaths on the alleged organizers of the riots, but admitted that “the moment the bullet leaves the barrel, anything could happen beyond there.”

Human Rights Watch is deeply concerned that Kulayigye’s statement might encourage members of the security forces to use unnecessary and unlawful lethal force during future encounters with demonstrators.

Museveni told an emergency session of parliament on September 15 that the government will compensate those who lost their properties and vehicles, and it will also assist those who lost family members.

Recommendations

Human Rights Watch urged the government of Uganda to take the following actions:

• Publicly acknowledge and condemn recent shootings of unarmed people by members of the security forces.
• Undertake an independent and impartial investigation into the actions of all soldiers and police alleged to have perpetrated human rights abuses during the September riots. Prosecute those against whom there is sufficient evidence in accordance with international fair trial standards.
• Issue clear public instructions to all government forces involved in policing to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable to protect human life.
• Seek out non-lethal options for police and military responding to demonstrations and protests, and ensure those options are standard issue for police stations.

Human Rights Watch urged donors to the Ugandan government, especially members of the Partners for Democracy and Governance Working Group, to take the following actions:

• Publicly express concern about human rights abuses committed by members of the military and police during the September riots.
• Urge government leaders to hold accountable, in accordance with international fair trial standards, members of the security forces implicated in human rights violations.
• Support the police in acquiring non-lethal options for riot response and ensure that relevant personnel from the police and military receive adequate training.

Background

The role of cultural royalty such as the kabaka in Uganda has been the source of debate historically. President Milton Obote outlawed all cultural leaders in 1966, but Museveni permitted them to return in 1995. Under the constitution, cultural leaders are barred from politics, but they still wield influence over their communities. The kabaka is the king of the Baganda people, the largest ethnic group in Uganda and a key constituency in the upcoming 2011 elections. Since independence, some Baganda political leaders have argued that the Buganda kingdom should be a federal state within Uganda.

Accounts from Victims and Witnesses of Shootings during Recent Kampala Riots

“It was 9 a.m. when I was returning from the village where we buried my friend Deo, who was shot and killed in Ndeeba on Thursday during the riots. When I arrived back to town, I saw a group of soldiers and men in civilian clothes with guns and sticks walking along the road. I ran to the other side of the road and to find a place to hide. The soldiers began to hit us with batons and kick us. They were beating other people in the road as well. I ran away and noticed I had a cut on my head from the baton, and I was bleeding. My friend and I went off the main road and hid by locking ourselves into a storage room near a friend’s shop. We heard the soldier’s footsteps and then he yelled, “Open the door!” I said, “But if we come out, you are going to beat us again.” He said, “You think bullets cannot reach you in there?” Then he fired his gun through the door. A bullet hit the inside of my arm and then entered my stomach and I fell down.”
- Gunshot victim in Ndeeba, September 11

“Things were calm in Mpigi that day. We heard about what was happening in Kampala and someone had lit two tires on fire, but the cars could pass. Faisal and I were standing on the veranda. The soldiers came in a government vehicle and started caning people. One soldier came carrying a stick and a gun. He threw the stick at a boy and then got out the gun. He pointed the gun towards us, and then fired at us two times. I ran and hid at a house nearby. And later, someone said that a man was killed. A bit later, I learned it was Faisal. He had been shot in the neck.”
- Witness to killing of Faisal Bukenya, September 10

“On Friday morning, I saw the boys throwing a few rocks at the soldiers, and then the soldiers started shooting in their direction. Eventually the soldiers rounded up a group of boys and held them at the petrol station. The soldiers were forcing the boys to jump up and down as punishment for throwing rocks. When they tried to move the group of unruly boys, some scattered and the military began shooting at them again. The woman with the three children was killed just then.”
- Witness to the killing of Stella Kabasinguzi, September 11

“She was just on the steps of her home on Friday morning. She had gone to collect some bread for the children. When she saw the soldiers, she threw her hands in the air, but he fired right at her and she fell. He was standing just a bit down from her.”
- Another witness to the killing of Stella Kabasinguzi, September 11

“I was here in the market, selling matoke on Friday morning around 8 a.m. Suddenly, the military came in and started beating people, telling everyone to leave the market. Even the security officer for the market was hit by batons from them. They even beat me very hard on the buttocks, while I was trying to run away. Some of them stole the money I had on the ground. Others started shooting into the market and a boy was hit and a man was killed.”
- Witness to killings and shooting in Nateete, September 11

List of fatal shootings investigated by Human Rights Watch
On September 10

1.            Hussein Mujuuka, shot through the eye by military in personnel carrier, in Bwaise

2.            Robert, Congolese national, shot by military near Qualicell Building in Kampala Bus Park

3.            John Bosco Kaagwa, shot in the back by military near Nakulabye trading center

4.            Ssadam Katongole, shot in the chest by the military at “Kubirri” – Mulago roundabout

5.            Deo Lutaaya, shot in Kabuusu by military in personnel carrier, near Petrol City, on Masaka Road

6.            Muganga Huzairu, shot in the abdomen in Nateete; died at Mulago hospital

7.            Faisal Bukenya, shot in the neck by a soldier in Mpigi Town

On September 11

8.            Ronald Kasagga, shot in the chest by military on foot near Busega roundabout

9.            Kinaalwa Sseddulaaka Jackson, killed by military on foot in Tomusange zone, Ndeeba

10.        Mustaifa Basajjabalaba, shot by military in Kitaka zone, Kibazo road, Busega

11.        Daoudi Ssentongo, killed by military in Busega roundabout

12.        Stella Kabasinguzi, killed by military in zone 4, Kasubi

13.        Customer shot by military in Nateete Market

Other deaths:

14.        Kakooza Hussein, beaten by the police in Nakamiro zone, Kazo, on September 11; died on September 17

Other fatal shootings reported in the media:

15.        Unnamed private security guard working for Saracen Security Company

16.        Patrick Kaijamurubi, military police, from Masindi, killed by a stray bullet shot by another military policeman while Kaijamurubi was fixing tire on his vehicle in Ndeeba

17.        Geoffrey Andama, high school student, shot at Shop Rite Supermarket, near the Clock Tower junction

18.        Benjamin Atere, 2 years old, died from gunshot on Mawanda Road in Mulago

19.        Frank Kafuma, sustained gunshot wounds at Nabweru in Kawempe division, died in Mulago

20.        Yawe Wesige Mukama, shot in Kawempe
To view a slide show of photos from the Kampala riots and their aftermath, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/features/uganda-riots

For more Human Rights Watch reporting on Uganda, please visit:
http://www.hrw.org/en/africa/uganda

For more information, please contact:
In New York, Jon Elliott (English, French): +1-917-379-0713 (mobile)
In New York, Georgette Gagnon (English): +1-212-216-1223; or +1-917-535-0375 (mobile)
In Kampala, Maria Burnett (English, French): +256-7

A radical Baganda nationalist organization has warned president Museveni of Uganda about his plans to force Kabaka Mutebi of Buganda to meet him (Museveni).

According to a statement issued by Asumani Balwaana Kaama, the spokesman for Union of Councils for Gwanga Mujje, “Ssabasajja Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II, the 36th Kabaka of the Buganda nation, is the symbol of our being, our culture and our pride. He is however NOT our servant or spokesperson and CANNOT negotiate anything on Obuganda’s behalf. The religious leaders who are supposed to be in the Kabaka’s entourage are also neither honorable nor competent to represent Obuganda. They are not authorized to represent or speak for Buganda’s interests at this meeting.”

The Union of Councils for Gwanga Mujje statement is reproduced below:

WARNING TO DICTATOR MUSEVENI ABOUT SSAABASAJJA
“NO ONE SPEAKS IN BUGANDA’S NAME WITHOUT THE DIRECT AUTHORITY FROM OBUGANDA”

The Union of Councils for Ggwanga Mujje would like to express and as well convey its profound and heartfelt sympathies to families that lost loved ones, Obuganda and all Ugandans during the September 09 public demonstrations in Kampala.

We acknowledge that Buganda is presently under occupation, just like Northern Uganda has been over the past 20 years. However, Dictator Museveni and his henchmen will be held personally responsible for these crimes against humanity at an appropriate time in the near future.

In a futile and cowardly show of strength, Dictator Museveni is forcing a meeting with His Majesty, Ssaabasajja the Kabaka of Buganda in an effort to claim some bizarre dark victory in the current standoff.

Dictator Museveni is praying and hoping on forcing concessions that will be of detriment to the Kingdom of Buganda from His Majesty the Kabaka.

In the absence of CBS Radio, and in an environment dominated by pro NRMO media, the Dictator wants to use the occasion of the face to face meeting to make some kind of rapprochements on dense ideas such the Regional Tier and other nonsensical projects like the Land Bill, Extension of Kampala, an Elected Katikkiro, the Creation of Saaba… this and Saaba… that, within Buganda.

Thereafter, the Dictator will want to claim that the Kabaka will work directly under his orders from now on.

Warning to the Dictator

The Union of Councils for Ggwanga Mujje would like to warn Dictator Yosweri Tibahurwa, Kayibanda Museveni, that if he goes ahead with this futile meeting, the Obuganda will not accept or be bound by whatever agreements he will come up with.

His Majesty, Ssaabasajja Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II, the 36th Kabaka of the Buganda nation, is the symbol of our being, our culture and our pride. He is however NOT our servant or spokesperson and CANNOT negotiate anything on Obuganda’s behalf. The religious leaders who are supposed to be in the Kabaka’s entourage are also neither honourable nor competent to represent Obuganda. They are not authorised to represent or speak for Buganda’s interests at this meeting.

Obuganda will therefore not recognise or accept whatever concoction this meeting might achieve.

Any further attempts by Dictator Museveni to compromise or denigrate Ssaabasajja Kabaka or the institution he represents will result in a quick and effective uprising never seen before in the Great Lakes region which will finally rid Uganda of a Dictator with questionable and poor breeding.

The Union of Councils for Ggwanga Mujje would like to graciously and humbly remind Ssaabasajja Kabaka Mutebi to ensure that he does NOT smile or shake hands with Dictator Museveni , or sit anywhere within 5 feet from him, EVER.

We know for a fact that Dictator Museveni‘s intention is to bewitch His Majesty, Ssaabasajja Kabaka and take his influence and powers so that he can rule Uganda forever. Dictator Museveni obtained Juju (fetishes) from Cameroon which required him to sacrifice at least 50 adolescent virgins (school fires, Buddo etc) and the final act of this ritual is a face to face meet with Ssaabasajja Kabaka and shake his hand. That is why Dictator Museveni has been so pissed off and lamenting about the Ssaabasajja not taking his calls for over two years.

If His Majesty the Kabaka decides to meet the Dictator, whatever takes place must not compromise the dignity or undermine Ssaabasajja’s authority among his subjects.

AWANGALE SSAABASAJJA

Asumani Balwaana Kaama

Union of Councils for Gwanga Mujje

Boston and New York Baganda have announced that they will join to demonstrate against president Yoweri Museveni whose army and secret police are in an armed occupation of the kingdom of Buganda. According to the Baganda activists, their demonstration will take place at the same time that the Ugandan war load will be speaking at the UN General Assembly.

The statement announcing the demonstrations is reproduced below:

GGWANGAMUJJE NY/NJ AND GGWANGAMUJJE BOSTON calling you to attend Wednesday, September 23, 2009 demonstrations at UNITED NATIONS at 1^st Avenue and 47^th Street between 11:00 and 3:00PM. Demonstrations will take place at the same time when he is giving speech at the UNITED NATIONS.

Ggwangamujje Boston are pooling in buses so Ugandans in New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, Pennsylvania and Delaware plan in advance to take a day off.

We are demonstrating against Museveni ruthless killing of unarmed civilians by his Military armed forces. The Violation of Human Rights and Freedom of Speech. Museveni’s inciting of tribal crisis (Baganda against Banyala / Banyoro against Bafuruki). The world MUST be informed in advance that ethnic clashes in Africa end up in genocides.

MORE INFORMATION WILL BE SENT OVER THE WEEKEND.

Let Your Voice be Heard.

See Cruel killing on the link below:

http://sites.google.com/site/ugandasbloody999/home and or

http://sites.google.com/site/ugandasbloody999/home/evidence

http://sites.google.com/site/ugandasbloody999/home/evidence

On July 17, 2009 the Secretary General for the Democratic Party (DP) UK and Ireland Chapter issued a press release condemning the arrest of DP presidential aspirant, Samuel Lubega, by Mr. Museveni’s government. This writer have not been able to independently confirm the arrest of Mr. Lubega. However, the arrrest, tear gasing and general harrassment of Baganda DP candidates is as routine as voting itself during Uganda election seasons.

Below is the full text of the DP UK and Ireland chapter, without editing.

DP PRESS REALESE

Date: 17 July 2009.

The repeated unlawful Arrest of Democratic Party (DP) Presidential Candidate Samuel Lubega

DP Presidential aspirant, Samuel Lubega, has today Friday 17 July, been arrested for the second time this week, along with others, but it is not clear at the moment if and what charges have been preferred against them. Constitutionally, charges must be brought against them within 48 hours from the time of arrest. The current regime in Kampala is however known not to tolerate any form of dissent and oppositionists are regularly stopped from holding peaceful meetings, arrested and prosecuted on spurious charges, such as holding illegal rallies, obstructing police in the course of their duty and disrupting business and traffic. Indeed, earlier this week, Samuel Lubega and 19 others were arrested and charged with these very offences.

Mr. Lubega and the Democratic Party Activists were arrested by armed security personnel in the constituency office of the area DP Member of Parliament Mr. Muhammad Kawuma who had organised a meeting to sensitise his constituents on the Kampala Capital City Bill. If passed into law, this bill will deny millions of Kampala residents the right to elect their own representatives.

Members of DP UK & Ireland Chapter reiterate their condemnation in the strongest terms possible the repeated unlawful and arbitrary arrest of the DP Presidential Aspirant along with others, which amounts to political persecution.

Mr. Lubega is being held at Entebbe Police Station alongside the Activists of the Democratic Party. The activists were physically tortured and manhandled by the Security Personnel.

Members of the DP UK & Ireland Chapter expect and demand that there be unrestricted and unfettered access to Samuel Lubega and the activists by their families, legal representatives and friends in accordance with the laws of Uganda as well as international law.  We urge the government to ensure that any trial is conducted in accordance with the international standards of fair trial.

Members of the DP UK & Ireland Chapter will hold President Museveni personally responsible for the well-being, safety and lives of Mr Lubega and the DP Activists while they are in detention.

Additionally, the Security Minister Hon. Amama Mbabazi, Co-ordinator of Security Services in the President’s Office General David Tinyefuza, Minister of Internal Affairs Hon. Kirunda Kiveijinja, the Inspector General of Police General Kale Kaihura and the Officer in Charge of the arresting police Station, as people sharing personal responsibility with the President for the personal safety, health and life of Samuel Lubega as well as that of the DP Activists.

Members of the DP UK & Ireland Chapter are aware of acts of poisoning and death of political prisoners during or after detention by State Security agents in Uganda and they are deeply concerned about the continued unlawful arrest and detention, intimidation, harassment and torture of Ugandans seeking to exercise their constitutional rights.

Derek Mutema

Secretary General DP UK and Ireland Chapter.