The Buganda government has already ruled making a public apology as one of the many tough conditions that the NRM government gave for reopening CBS FM Radio. Evidence on the ground indicates that the Bataka (clan elders) and a large majority of ordinary Baganda are behind Mmengo’s decision not t apologize for without any clear statement of what Buganda did wrong. The NRM’s government Bukedde quoted Buganda Deputy Minister of Information, Medard Sseggona, as saying: “Bannaffe abo balimba, lwaki teboogera mazima nti balina fitina, n’empalana ku Kabaka okusinga okwekwasa obusonga obutaliimu?” (”Those people are lying. Why don’t they accept the truth that their problem is jealousy, envy and hate against the Kabaka?”). Bukedde also claims that Sseggona praised composers of pro-Kabaka songs and encouraged them to continue. The problem is that NRM government media have a record of twisting what Mmengo officials say, so it is difficult to know if Owek. Sseggona actually made these statements.

The song which is said to be most offensive to Uganda’s rulers is Landiroodi (slang for Land Lord). The song, by Ronald Mayinja, calls Kabaka Mutebi the Buganda landlord which translates to three different titles that Baganda have used on their Kabaka for centuries – Ssabataka (head of all land settlers) or Nanyini Nsi (owner or master of the country) or Nanyini Ttaka (owner or master of all land).

Other songs that are very upsetting to the NRM government include these below;

• Maaso Moogi (”Sharp Eyes”, another title Baganda have used to described their Kabaka for centuries) by Buddo Secondary School choir.
• Tuli ku Bunkenke (”We are in high risk times”) by Ronald Mayinja.
• Twagala Federo (”We want a federal system of government”) by Jjingo Show.
• Mambo Baado ( Swahili for “There are more issues to come”) by Joseph Mayanja (Jose Chameleone).
• Ensonga y ‘Ettaka (”The land issue”), believed to be by Monica.

Although none the so called dangerous songs talks about violence, rebellion or even political action, Uganda’s rulers, through their spokesman Aggrey Awori, claim that those songs contain enough hints of hatred and division that by playing them repeatedly, CBS FM Radio incited people to riot when the NRM government stopped Kabaka Mutebi from visiting Kayunga.

A source close to the presidential protection brigade has informed our stringer in Entebbe that Museveni’ s new tactic for the rest of his Buganda tour will be to avoid big public venues and direct contact with politically bold Baganda peasants. The focus is now to be put to reaching as many places as possible but in impromptu meetings at family homes where even if only 30 people come it is not bad. As part of this tactic, state house will arrange for the president to inspect farms and businesses where it is easy to claim that the purpose was not to get big crowds. It is also much harder for the villagers to ask Museveni challenging questions about CBS FM radio or Kabaka when only a few people are around.

Our source also said that Museveni’s new tactic helped him avoid a major embarrassment in Kakiri, Busiro, two days ago. According to the source: “Museveni made a blunder of going to Kakiri, where Kabaka got crowds of tens of thousands of people only a few months ago. State house found out late that the people could be too few so they arranged for him to visit a few farmers and a widow. They also hurriedly arranged for him to stop at Masulita Secondary School and pretend that he went there to open a building, although it had not been on the original program. Obviously they also got the big crowd of the students.”

The source claims that Museveni will not abandon his Buganda tour again, as he did late last year, because he is not willing to allow Kabaka Mutebi or Baganda to determine what happens at the 2011 elections or after. He said: “Museveni will continue with the tour and continue giving bribes to grass roots people, researching why people love the Kabaka, and collecting information on NRM opponents. And they will only have rallies in places where they can bring in people. You are not likely to see too many photos or TV video even in government owned papers and stations because people will automatically compare to Kabaka Mutebi’ s huge crowds.”

Mr. Kabuye and his Ekiba Kibe program are  probably the most visible action ever by disapora Baganda to advocate for Buganda liberation without apology or signs of “ate banagamba batya?” (“what will the others say?”). According to our sources in Boston, many older Baganda with dreams of becoming major political figures in Uganda have made attempts to claim closeness to Kabuye. Even Ruhakana Rugunda, the NRM ambassador  to the UN, has reportedly paid people to set up fronts to recruit Kabuye and then disorganize him. However, most of the them have been disappointed when the Ekiba Kibe program and Bu man has stubbornly insisted that anything he does must be focused on the liberation Buganda from Museveni, the NRM and their occupation Uganda constitution. Kabuye says on his program that Buganda must be ruled as an independent kingdom with Kabaka on top. And he has previously explained that the independent nation system worked for over 600 years. Yet the foreign systems of Unitary, Regional Tier, Decentralization, and Federo have all failed to work for Buganda and Uganda in the last  40 years.

In a related story, we have been able to confirm reports that Kibanda Cinema (video hall) operators in Wandegeya (Kyadondo county), Kalisizo (Buddu county) and Mukono (Kyaggwe county) were caught by the NRM police playing Ekiba Kibe programs to their customers and were told to stop or they will be arrested. The CDs with the recordings were also confiscated.

Click on Ekiba_Kibe08Feb10B to listen to the February 8, 2009 Ekiba Kibe broadcast.

Museveni erected the first hurdle when he decided to set what many observers consider unreasonable conditions, for rescinding the illegal closure of the most popular radio station in Uganda. The ridiculous conditions, even by the standards of donor governed Uganda, included firing all presenters who annoyed Ugandan president in the past, moving the radio station headquarters to a location more agreeable to the NRM government, only airing cultural programs and, most incredibly, dropping legal cases that CBS employees filed against government.

According to local press reports, the Buganda minister of information, Owek. Medard Lubega Ssegona, reacted swiftly, saying in Luganda: “Tetuyinza kuwaayo Bwakabaka  batuweemu leediyo. Obukwakkulizo bwa gavumenti bumenya Konsitityusoni n’amateeka amalala.” (“We cannot surrender our kingdom in exchange for a radio station. The [NRM] government’s demands are illegal.”). At the same time, a sources in Mmengo told us that Katikkiro Walusimbi and other businessmen in Buganda Government want to negotiate with Museveni on the conditions but are simply overwhelmed by the other forces.

The most formidable force against opening of CBS under Museveni’s arbitrary conditions is the Baganda masses and the Bataka (clan elders). This group, which also includes CBS Fans Club and the more nationalistic members of Buganda government, misses the radio station most and is putting most pressure on Museveni to re-open it. However, they are strongly opposed to the reopening if it will lead to changes in their radio station’s format or presenters. Although Kabaka Mutebi is quiet on the issue, word on the Baganda street is that he is fully with his subjects and the Bataka (as Ssabataka, Kabaka Mutebi is part of the Bataka).

Also strongly opposed for the reopening are Baganda members of the Ugandan opposition political parties, DP, FDC and UPC. Most of these political types would like CBS to remain closed until the 2011 elections to maximize Baganda anger and anti-NRM feelings. Joyce Nabbosa Sebugwaawo is a strong activist in the Bakiga/Banyankore led FDC and she quoted by the local press saying: “Gavumenti ekole ky’eyagala bwe baliyagala baligizzaako. Obukwakkulizo bwe batutaddeko tebujja kukola era tubugaanyi. Banaffe oba basazeewo kukola nga bannakyemalira, katubaleke bagende mu maaso.” (“Let the government do whatever they want. Whenever they decide they can reopen it. The conditions they have imposed are impractical and we rejected them. Our colleagues have chosen to be dictators, we will let them go ahead.”)

Others opposed to the CBS opening, but possibly working independently, are disgruntled NRMs who feel betrayed by Museveni. One example is Janat Mukwaya, who, according to state house sources, Museveni is anxious to drop. Mrs. Mukwaya reportedly knows this and she has already decided not to run for re-election in 2011. But she is privately afraid about her future, including the personal safety of her family because of the anti-Baganda crimes she has committed on behalf of  the Museveni who is now dumping her. Another one is Museveni’s vice president Gilbert Bukenya, who is seeing red over the not so subtle murder of his son followed by the the highly public ridicule by Museveni and Tamale Mirundi over the CHOGOM car scandal. These two and other disillusioned NRMs, reportedly now have individual “Ffena tufiirwe” (“If I lose everyone must lose”) agendas in connection with CBS Radio.  In general, they are pushing for CBS to remain closed so that hatred for Museveni and Banyankore in Buganda may increase. Short term agendas.

“Instead, he counseled our man to stop quarrelling with every in the public when there are so many other correct forums.  He even went as far as telling Bukenya to reconcile with Mbabazi  and take photos together publically,  to show a good image.  Our man did not like that but he obliged as good team player.  What really annoyed Bukenya, though, is that after the Mbabazi thing, Museveni then told Bukenya to also reconcile with Tamale, a junior officer, whom our man was demanding to get fired. Not only was Tamale not fired, but Museveni ordered the two of them to stop attacking each other in the public.”

Our source says that, for now, Bukenya has to behave like everything is under control but, under the surface, he is fuming at Museveni, Kuteesa, Amelia Kyambadde, Mirundi, Otafiire, Saleh, Kainerugaba and several others who we know are conspiring to destroy him. The source also reveals that, after the apparent murder of his Sandhurst bound son by some of these people, Bukenya’s friends are very concerned about his  own life. The source elaborated: “These people are ruthless and they know all Bukenya’s weaknesses.  And Museveni has set  Bukenya up as an enemy of Buganda, by encouraging him to abuse Kabaka and Baganda. Our fear is that, these mafias can do something to the man and claim that it the angry Baganda nationalists who did it.”

On December 26, 2009, vice president Bukenya told the NRM mouthpiece, the New Vision, that the Museveni authorized the corrupt transaction that involved the irregular acquisition of vehicles for CHOGOM.  In the same interview Bukenya made anti-Buganda and anti-Kabaka statement, which was prepared for him by Museveni’s state house: “If Buganda wants to advance in a democratic era, it is not a matter of Mengo accepting or not accepting. It is a matter of understanding the future of Uganda. And the future of Uganda lies in consolidation of a democratic process. There is no more time for undemocratic systems of government in Uganda. Choosing a person without going into one-person one-vote is no longer acceptable. Therefore, Buganda and its cultural leadership must now begin to recognize legitimately elected members of their society like the President, MPs, district chairpersons, councilors, and other local government leaders.”

On December 30, 2009, Museveni’s press secretary, Tamale Mirundi hit back at Bukenya when he told the local press that the vice president should “stop hiding behind the President’s name” on CHOGOM because Museveni twice wrote opposing the breach of procurement rules before the tender of the supply of the 204 cars was awarded. Tamale continued: “If you are a Vice President and then you start hiding behind the President, then you cannot succeed… Was Prof. Bukenya a running boy of the President? He had the opportunity to meet and advise the President in all the meetings, what stopped him from doing so?”.

Then in an interview published on December 31, 2009 in the The Monitor newspaper, Bukenya reacted to Tamale Mirundi’s attack with full force, calling Mirundi a “small boy” who should be ignored. Bukenya reportedly went on say: “It is very interesting that a junior staff can make such comments on the second highest office in this country. I would be very interested if that person puts his comments in writing… Is it true that the President has disowned me like Tamale wants the public to believe? I am not aware, and if it is true, I wish to know it… I talk with the President every day. How comes he has never said such? Sometimes those small boys can want to make you go astray but that will not be the case.”

For days afterwards,  Bukenya tried to talk to Museveni without success, thanks to Amelia Kyambadde. It is now a public secret that Bukenya then went rouge. He started and fanned a rumor that he was ready to retire, to confuse his enemies and get Museveni’s attention. He also secretly solicited the help of other disgruntled NRMs like Mike Mukula to stage a “don’t resign” rally for him in Kakiri. According to the NRM’s New Vision newspaper,  Bukenya told the rally on January 9, 2010, that he was like Kilimanjaro and Tamale could not climb him. He added: “I am closely following Tamale Mirundi step by step. I want to know who is putting fire in him. When I get to know, I will call you here and name them.” Bukenya finally got Museveni’s attention, which eraned him the lecture to stop quarreling with everyone and the order to reconcile with Mbabazi, Otafiire and Tamale Mirundi.

As president Museveni’s press secretary, Tamale Mirundi is answerable to the Ugandan life president and his principle private secretary, Amelia Kyambadde. Historically, Tamale Mirundi never makes any statement without getting clearance from Museveni or Amelia. It therefore seems that Bukenya’s threats to name who is putting fire in Tamale Mirundi could have brought him to is current situation.

Our source told us by email: “President Museveni does not like it when people ignore him. You saw what happened when Kabaka Mutebi refused to pick up or return his calls. It is funny but, like Idi Amin, the only people Mr. Museveni respects or fears are those who ignore him. They make him extremely uncomfortable because they make him feel not in full control. That is why he will even go as far as abusing ambassadors of the same European countries where he sends ministers to beg for aid, just to show he is in control.

With CBS, the problem is that the president was taken unawares when Kabaka Mutebi ignored the whole thing and left  Mmengo to deal with the problem. Mr. Museveni had sincerely taken it for granted that the Kabaka would be eager to ‘negotiate’ once Buganda started to feel the financial pain of CBS closure.   But the Kabaka ignored the whole thing. To complicate matters, once Baganda peasants saw that their Kabaka was quiet, they decided to do their duty and fight on his behalf. Everywhere Museveni went, on his ill-conceived Buganda tour, Baganda peasants would ignore everything he said and only ask why he does not open Kabaka’s radio.”

The source goes on to confirm  that, as reported by Buganda Post on November 9, 2009, the Ugandan warlord president abandoned his tour of Buganda because he was disturbed by questions from Baganda peasants about the CBS radio closure (see “Frustrated Museveni Might Abandon Buganda Tour“).  Apparently, it was frustration with Kabaka Mutebi and Baganda peasants that forced Museveni to call for the negotiations with Buganda government officials.

Our source concludes: “Do not let anyone fool you that the NRM is in real serious negotiations with Kaaya  Kavuma and his team over CBS. In the end, Museveni has no choice but to reopen CBS. The pretend negotiations are  only a cover for Museveni to avoid looking weak.  He wants to open CBS and still look like he is in control but he is really afraid of getting Baganda peasants more angry. And to some extent, he is also concerned that if he does not get a deal with the Mmengo ‘softies’, the hardliners will have a cause to push harder with the court case and other ‘tricks’.”

Our state house source agreed with the general information in the MP poll that appeared in the November 22, 2009 Observer newspaper but gave us some clarifications. For example, he clarified that the NRM MPs who claim to be undecided are really jokers who are simply positioning to get paid more money for their votes than the others.  

Below is the list from Observer updated with new information from our statehouse source. The Observer news paper is at www.observer.ug.