There are signs that a still unknown group could be getting training and carrying out terror operations in Buddu county, reportedly in demand for Buganda Federo.  Since January 2009, the group has harassed or killed over 50 people around Kyanamukaaka, Kyesiiga, Kiziba, Mutondo, Bisanje and surrounding areas in Kabaka’s Buddu county.  According to local residents, the group previously dropped leaflets in the area warning area MP and Museveni confidant, Edward Sekandi, to resign as MP and speaker of parliament if he cannot support Federo for Buganda. According to reports, the victims tend to be either Banyankore or Banyarwanda, even though some use Kiganda names.

The affected areas are generally along the Masaka to Mutukula road.  Since 2006, these areas have reportedly seen an influx of money, believed to be from either Uganda government or Rwandese sources, to enable Banyarwanda to buy huge pieces of local land. In mid 2008, violence broke out when a Rwandese national bought 1.5 square miles of settled land from a Muganda and started evicting Baganda bibanja (plot) holders, making them homeless. There is a high level of frustration and anger among Baganda, especially unemployed youths, about what they see as neglect and victimization by Mr. Museveni’s government in favor of foreigners.

Both the commander of Uganda police, Kale Kayihura, himself a Munyarwanda, and Edward Sekandi, the area MP, told the government New Vision newspaper on July 10, 2009 that the night killings are the work of criminal thugs. However, neither of them could explain why in many cases the killers, who mostly use machetes (pangas) leave behind easy to carry expensive property.

According to a source close to Mr. Museveni’s state house, the president first received intelligence reports over 1 year ago that Baganda might start an insurgency against government.  The source claimed: “Except if he is pretending and it is his own terror operation, president Museveni seems to be confused about how to face Baganda armed groups on Buganda territory. Given the extreme levels of corruption in the security organizations the intelligence reaching the President, especially about the loyalty of Baganda NRMs is often faulty and misleading. For example, it appears that many local Baganda in Masaka have a lot of information, which they are not sharing with the local DISO or police because they strongly disagree with Museveni on land and Kabaka issues. Some of these NRM officials are the ones who call Mambo Baado on CBS Radio and say, ‘Tukooye abasajja!’ (‘We are fed up with these people!’). Others also feel that Museveni is going and they now want to keep their distance”.

A  New York based Muganda analyst and thought leader thinks that Baganda need more information before getting excited about this so called Baganda insurgency for Federo. He explained: “First, the tactic of terrorizing civilians in the area which is supposed to benefits from a new war has Museveni’s fingerprints all over. Many Luwero veterans have publicly admitted that the NRA used staged ‘Obote murders’ in Bulemeezi and north Kyadondo to recruit unsuspecting relatives to fight for Museveni. Therefore, I would not be shocked if this is an NRM group created to terrorize Baganda in Buddu and to trap potential volunteers. But even if it is not Museveni, one still has to ask if this could not be Acholis, Rwandese or anti-Museveni Balaalo trying to once again ‘use’ Baganda as stepping stones.”

The analyst added: “Remember that in 1995 Museveni started a policy of cutting down all forests in Buganda, even Mabira. The job to carry out the policy was assigned to Bakiga to be supervised by Kahinda Otafiire and Salim Saleh. Most Ugandans mistakenly believed that the objective was just to make money from timber. Yes, Kahinda Otafiire, Saleh and even Mrs. Janet Museveni made millions of dollars from timber but to Yoweri Museveni, the key thing was to wipe out all possible training grounds for anti-NRM forces in Buganda. Why did Museveni leave the forests in southern Buddu untouched? If he did it intentionally for future covert operations or as a possible escape route, then there is a 75% chance that the Buddu insurgency is a Museveni ‘kiwaani’ (fake) to terrorize Baganda and trap his potential enemies. If it is not, we will find out soon enough.”

This writer has received a copy of a June 30, 2009 letter from the Acting President of Ggwangamujje NY/NJ, which cancelled the plans for Ttabamiruka ’09. The letter says that the current global economic situation and a need to strengthen the health of the New York Ggwangamujje Baganda organization are the main reasons for the cancellation. The same letter also announces that preparations for Ttabamiruka ’10 will start this month.

The organization’s president, Mr. Sullyman Bunkeddeko, is on some sort of leave of absence since June 14, 2009. The vice president, Mr. Charles Mukasa, is the Acting chief executive. It is not yet clear why Mr. Bunkeddeko, who led the organization during Ttabamiruka ’08, is on a leave of absence.

However, Ggwangamujje organizations in America seem to be having major problems. The Boston chapter is at a standstill because their elections were called off more than one a month ago, after they became a shouting match. Source in Mmengo and Boston tell us that the NRM is determined to take over or destroy Boston Ggwangamujje, whichever comes first. And reports from Washington DC indicate that the  chapter there has been taken over by pro-NRM elements who have publicly made it clear that their Ggwangamujje is for all Ugandans, not just Baganda (the “Ggwanga” in Ggwangamujje is Uganda).

The letter cancelling Ttabamiruka ‘09 is reproduced below:

June 30, 2009

Dear Members of Ggwangamujje NY/NJ:

RE: LEAVE OF ABSENCE FOR THE PRESIDENT

This is a follow-up to the June 14, 2009 letter from our President, now on a leave of absence.

SHORT TERM ACTION PLAN
It is quite difficult for me to step into the role of Acting President on short notice. However, with your support and cooperation, I will try my best to work with the Board and establish a minimum action plan to make some progress during Mr. Bunkeddeko’s leave of absence.

“VOICE OF CUSTOMER” MEETING
Your input and support will be critical to the success of the minimum action plan that I have mentioned above. Since Ggwangamujje NY/NJ is a service organization, we will start with what you expect from your investment in the organization.  You will shortly receive an invitation to a meeting to discuss ideas on what to include in our minimum action plan.

TTABAMIRUKA ‘09
After consulting the Board and Mr. Edward Semambya, I regret to inform you that Ggwangamujje NY/NJ will not organize a Ttabamiruka ’09. The current state of the economy and the urgent need to strengthen the health of Ggwangamujje NY/NJ were key considerations. I have however requested Mr. Semambya to initiate plans for Ttabamiruka ’10 as soon as possible, hopefully by the end of July 2009.

Thank you.

Charles Mukasa

Acting President
Ggwangamujje NY/NJ, Inc.

Louise Edwards
Programme Officer – Access to Justice (East Africa)
Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, New Delhi

The United Nations Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Professor Philip Alston, presented his detailed report on Kenya at the recent 11th Session of the UN Human Rights Council.  In an extraordinary week of political maneuvering, reinforcing the internal tension that plagues Kenya’s Grand Coalition Government, the Kenyan delegation responded with an oral statement to the Council that contradicted their earlier written response. Having initially denied Professor Alston’s accusations of the widespread and systematic use of extrajudicial killings by the Kenya Police Force, the delegation conceded that there is a problem, but stopped short of acknowledging Government complicity.

The proceedings and outcomes at the 11th Session have received much local and international press.  Now, two weeks later, the focus must shift to action taken by the Kenyan Government to address the issues raised by Professor Alston and the fall out from the publication of his report, which included the killing of two human rights defenders that had previously cooperated with his mandate.  Despite the eventually positive response from the Kenyan delegation in Geneva, early signs of action are not necessarily promising.

Professor Alston’s report articulated what concerned local and international organisations have been saying about the Kenya Police Force for many years and which the Government failed to acknowledge until their oral statement to the Council – that extrajudicial killings are part of the policing landscape in Kenya. The oral statement also contained a public acknowledgement of Kenya’s weak police oversight mechanisms, the need to establish a local independent police commission and assurances that no human rights defenders would be intimidated or harassed as a result of their cooperation with the UN Special Procedures mandate-holders.

Nevertheless, it remains to be seen whether the promising outcomes in Geneva will translate into credible action in Nairobi.  Successive promises of reform articulated in a number of strategies and processes over the past 10 years have not been completed or sustained by the Kenya Government.  Kenyans continue to be policed by an organisation that lacks sufficient accountability structures, fails to protect or uphold basic human rights and is continually subject to illegitimate political interference.  Millions of dollars have been invested in the development and publication of commission reports, task force findings and reform strategies without any genuine steps by the Government to implement systemic reform.

The concerning state of policing in Kenya has received significant national and international attention over the past 18 months.  The police response to the 2007 post-election violence brought the issue of political partisanship, impunity and brutality to the fore.  The Waki Commission report into the violence strongly recommended comprehensive reform of the Kenya Police Force and Administration Police and Professor Alston’s report reinforced the brutal and corrupt practices that have been permitted to flourish by the unreformed, colonial policing model. 

Police reform is a daunting and long term process.  It requires substantial law reform, a radical shift in policing culture from one of impunity to accountability and the restoration of trust between police and the community.  None of these urgent reforms will happen in Kenya without the political and financial commitment of the Government to undertake reforms of this scope.  The recent establishment by the President of a special Police Reform Task Force represents a positive step towards delivering credible advances.  However, the Government must translate the Task Force’s recommendations into actual reform that goes beyond improving operational capacity to address governance, accountability and legal structures.  Otherwise the Task Force, for all its good intention, will become another failed reform vehicle.

Drawing on the previous recommendations and those foreshadowed to appear in the current Task Force findings, the Government should implement the following minimum reforms:

• Constitutional and legislative amendments that clearly separate the operational control of the police from the direct control from the political Executive and provide for transparency in monitoring police performance and conduct,
• Strengthening internal and external oversight mechanisms, including the enactment of legislation and budgetary allocation to give full effect to the Police Oversight Board plus the establishment of an independent complaints mechanisms,
• Establish a clear demarcation between the role of the Kenya Police Force and the Administration Police,
• Improve police human rights training and resourcing to strengthen human rights compliance and operational effectiveness in the prevention, detection and investigation of crime, and
• Establish clear legislative guidelines on the use of force, torture and adherence to basic due process that accord with Kenya’s existing obligations under international law.

If the Government is serious about reforming the police, a commitment to implementing past and current recommendations is not enough.  It must also take immediate steps that both demonstrate its firm commitment to reform and restore public confidence in the reform process.  A positive first action should be the investigation, prosecution and punishment of those police officers who commit or acquiesce to illegal acts including, but not limited to, those responsible for the 2007 post-election violence and the perpetrators of extrajudicial killings.

Other immediate steps must include measures to implement the Government’s guarantee of protection to individuals who have been intimidated or subject to retribution for their cooperation with the UN Special Procedures mandate-holders.  Human rights defenders, including members of the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights have been subject to threats and some have been forced to flee Kenya.  The high profile execution of two prominent human rights defenders, who cooperated with Professor Alston, and the failure by the police and Government to identify those responsible, highlights the inadequacy of protection and security for human rights defenders.  While Kenya has a witness protection programme, reform is urgently required to ensure the integrity of its internal processes (including accountability, Executive control and information storage and sharing) before those who are most in need of protection will have confidence in the systems that are designed to deliver it. 

The 2007 post-election violence, followed by the findings in Professor Alston’s report, and the tragic consequences for human rights defenders who cooperated with his mandate, have kept the problems with Kenyan policing firmly in the international spotlight.  Whether the political will to commit to genuine reform is present in the Grand Coalition Government remains to be seen, but what is clear to the international community is that the need for police reform is more crucial than ever.

The Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI) is an independent, non-partisan, international NGO working for the practical realisation of human rights in the countries of the Commonwealth.
www.humanrightsinitiative.org

Below is a statement that was released by the Bunyoro Kingdom on May 24, 2009. A highly reliable source in Mmengo has told us that there have been no plans for Kabaka Mutebi to visit Ndaiga as the statement claims. She warned that this is may be a ploy by Ford Mirima, who is often carrying out state house directives, to distract Baganda onto yet another random topic. The official added: “I am not speaking for Kabaka’s government but, personally, I think Banyoro should start asking themselves what will happen when Baganda youths camp at Kakiri or Luweero to stop their Omukama from proceeding to Kampala. Togayanga kyeziinze! ”

The statement, which was sent to various news outlets and government officials is reproduced below:

Bunyoro kingdom to demonstrate against Kabaka visit to Ndaiga

Dear Editors;

Bunyoro-Kitara Kingdom May 22, 2009 issued a statement saying the kingdom is to join Mubende Banyoro Committee on June 5, 2009, to demonstrate against among others things, the planned June 25, 2009, Kabaka Mutebi’s visit to Ndaiga to cement Buganda Kingdom’s claim on the Mailo Akenda part of (3000 sq miles) which is in Buyaga and Bugangaizi counties of Bunyoro-Kitara.

The statement issued by the Katiikiro, Mr. Yabezi Kiiza, says if the Kabaka wants to assert Buganda’s ownership of land in Kibaale District which is the land the Uganda Constitution says the Kabaka must surrender under the Land Fund in the Uganda Constitution, the Kabaka will be breaching the Uganda Constitution. The katiikiro says these counties were connstitutionally transferred to Bunyoro-Kitara kingdom. So, Buganda has no say in them.

The Katiikiro’s statement follows a resolution adopted by Mubende Banyoro Committee on May 11, 2009 in which they wrote to the Inspector-General of Police seeking permision to demonstrate peacefully against Government failure to return Banyoro land as the referendum of 1964 decrees.

Octoebr 8, 2008 Kabaka Ronald Muwenda  was stopped by Police from visiting Buruuli county where he was going to celebrate Buganda’s independence Day. The Baruulli warned him not to go there before he got persmission from the Isaabaruuli, Mwogezi Butamanya. He defied the Baruuli. whereupon they deployed the youths to stop him. The Uganda Government through the Police stopped the Kabaka from going to Nakasongola.

Last week Buganda Government made arrangments for the Kabaka to visit Bunyala county (Bugerere) but the Banyala, through their Cultural Head, The Isaabanyala, Captain Kimeze, warned him not to step in Bunyala unless he has official permission from the Isaabanyala, the  Cultural head.

In in1961 the late Kabaka of Buganda, Sir Edward Muteesa used force to visit  Buyaga county,at Karutguuza, where the Banyoro had warned him not to go. there. The Banyoro erected roadblocks to stop him, but the Kabaka, using  Kawonawos, stormed the road blocks and went to Karuguuza Market where he found Banyoro buying and selling goods and he shot and killed nine Banyoro, including the Market Master, Ntogota.

Today Buganda Kingdom says the Kabaka is going to go, by force, to Bunyala county, and to Ndaiga. The Banyoro are already mobilising themselves to stop the Kabaka from going to Ndaiga.

Now get the official statement from Bunyoro-Kitara Kingdom issued by the Katiikiro.

Henry Ford Miirima
Press Secretary of the Omukama of Bunyoro-Kitara

According a Bank of Uganda (BOU) source, the value of Uganda Shilling against the US Dollar is expected to continue a steady slide downward for a while. A banking officer in the Operations Division of BOU told this reporter on condition of anonymity that there are three major reasons for the misfortunes of the Shilling.

The bank officer said: “First is the global financial crisis which, unfortunately, both the BOU governor and ministry of finance (MOF) chose to joke about early this year. However, it has caused the funds remitted by Ugandans abroad, especially Baganda, doing kyeeyo to fall drastically as work becomes harder to get.  Similarly, local NGO’s and church pastors are experiencing a tough time fundraising in the USA and Europe. Many of them are collapsing or firing employees as the dollars dry up.

“The second major reason is that our exports are not seriously growing in dollar terms. Even the  recent increase in exports to Southern Sudan seem appears to have been a bubble because the Sudanese central government is now limiting the supply of dollars to the South due to political tensions.  The dollar shortage in Sudan has in turn reduced the dollars which corrupt Southern officials have been bringing into Uganda to bank or buy mansions and Buganda land.”

The third reason that the banking officer gave is Uganda official corruption and greed. He pointed out that: “Mr. Museveni’s  state house has squandered tens of millions of dollars on deals like the presidential jet, grants to fake investors like Basajjabalaba and numerous so called ‘classified’ withdraws.  When other government officials see how Mr. Museveni’s state house is stealing, they can only emulate. Over time, this unending corruption has scared the more serious investors from the local stock exchange and our government securities. In fact the weak securities markets are only surviving on laundered money which the owners are still afraid to send out of Uganda.”

The BOU employee warned that the value of the Shilling was likely to continue falling for sometime. He explained: “I think that the donors are likely to cut aid to Uganda before they  increase it, because the political situation is likely to get much worse as the 2011 elections approach.  Both the domestic and external debts are likely to get worse because Mr. Museveni is creating more districts even as we speak. He is also preparing to grow army, police and other imports before the elections.  And our FOREX reserves are not enough to allow Mutebire to support the Shilling by selling dollars.  Maybe for a few weeks.”

Below are the US Dollar exchange rates for since January (on the 20th of each month): 

A report in the April 8, 2009 issue of the Uganda government Bukedde newspaper that, the day before, Katikkiro JB Walusimbi laid a flower wreath at the mass graves of victims of the 1994 Rwanda genocide has upset some Baganda. Our reporters in both Masaka and Kampala have told us. According to the reports, most ordinary Baganda in Buddu and around Kampala think that it is a good thing to commemorate the terrible killings that took place in Rwanda. But a large majority of them are asking why the Katikkiro of Buganda found time and money to buy flowers for graves of Banyarwanda although he did not have time to accompany Kabaka Mutebi to Buluuli last October fearing to upset Museveni.

The Kampala people are especially unhappy that incidents like the Budo Junior fire and child sacrifices which target Baganda are just  quiet form genocide but Owek. Walusimbi does not take expensive flowers let alone mabugo (condolence funds) to the victim’s families. Some also complained that Katikkiro Walusimbi has not cared to officially investigate why tens of Baganda children are murdered every month without government action. Yet when one mulaalo child was killed around Kiboga in Ssingo county, the police commander even personally camped in the area until some people were arrested.

On October 8, 2008 Mr. Museveni’s armed soldiers stopped the Kabaka of Buganda, Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II from going to Nakasongola to preside at the 46th anniversary of independence from Britain. The president later stated that, while Kabaka Mutebi was being harassed, Katikkiro Walusimbi was in telephone negotiations with David Tinyefuza and Mr. Museveni’s state house. Nakasongola is the main town in Buluuli county of Buganda. October 9, 1962 is when Buganda formally joined the other parts of today’s Uganda to become a federal republic. Under the terms of the 1962 independence agreement, Buganda remained a kingdom under Kabaka and retained control of its own education, healthcare, police and local administration systems. In 1966 then prime minister Milton Obote overthrew the constitution, used Idi Amin to attack Kabaka’s palace, made the kingdom illegal, exiled the Kabaka and stole 9,000 square miles of Buganda native lands and numerous other properties.  After decades of persecution by Obote, Idi Amin and Obote II, the Baganda joined Mr. Museveni and thousands of  Rwandan Tutsi refugees to remove Obote II and make it possible for the Kabaka to return to his kingdom.

In 1993/94 thousands of  Rwandese Tutsi refugees used Uganda army weapons to take power in Rwanda, in the middle of a genocide which started after that country’s president Habyarimana was assassinated. After more than 20 years since Mr. Museveni and his Baganda and Tutsi partners removed the Obote II regime, Mr. Museveni has refused to return the 9,000 square miles of native lands that Obote stole. He also refused to recognize the Baganda rights to return to the status as a federal state within the republic of Uganda. As the Baganda continue to demand that Mr. Museveni act honorably, the relations between the Buganda Kingdom and central government have become increasingly hostile. And many Baganda, especially the youth, are demanding that Katikkiro (head of Buganda government) Walusimbi resign due to conflict of interests because of his strong business and personal relationships with both Mr. Museveni and Rwanda government.

Dear Maama,

I was happy when Musa told me that he managed to see you and that you look excellent. He also told us that he has never tasted better “ngenge” than you cooked when he visited you. Also thank you very much for all the gifts you sent.

Maama, Musa told about your anger that Museveni has made sure that of resident district commissioners (RDCs) who implement his actions and local money spending in Buganda are from the West.  And that it made you feel that Buganda is under occupation (”buwambe”). You know me, I immediately started to check it out in Google. The place I landed is Museveni’s  own state house website and the evidence was right there for everyone to see.

By the way, although Museveni spent tens of millions of dollars on building the state house, his website has not been updated since October 2008.  Yet, he can have some of his people in Kampala do it for little money per month.

Anyway Maama, I found the 80 RDCs that Museveni appointed  a few months ago and noted the ones for Buganda. When you check them carefully, you will see that you were 100% right to be angry. True, these RDC’s are responsible for ensuring that the policies and budget of Museveni’s government are implemented as expected. Of the 16 RDCs in Buganda 69% are from the West and only 4 (25%) are Baganda (staunch supporters of Museveni). When you compare, only 1 (5%) of 20 RDCs in the Western region is a Muganda and 17 (85%) are westerners.

So whoever told you Maama is correct. The westerners, many of whom are openly anti-Baganda, are in charge what President Museveni does to Baganda and Buganda. But they keep full control in the West too! Maama I have checked, Baganda are really under hostile occupation. A few are only too confused to realize it because of the small bribes they give them.

We are praying for you and Buganda.

Son, Joshua

PRESIDENT MUSEVENI’S POLITICAL ADMINISTRATORS IN BUGANDA AND WESTERN REGION
Source: www.statehouse.go.ug

RDCs Ruling in Buganda (click to see details)

RDCs Ruling in The West (click to see details)

Source: www.statehouse.go.ug

According to Uganda’s Daily Monitor newspaper of July 23, 2006, the UPDF’s David Tinyefuza has defended the arrests and continued detention of three Buganda kingdom officials beyond the 48-hour period in which all suspects are supposed to be released or charged in court. The paper reports that Tinyefuza, Mr. Museveni’s Coordinator of Intelligence Services, dismissed the public outcry over the continued detention of the suspects by saying that investigating terrorism-related crimes was complex and that under such circumstances, “some laws can even be suspended”. The last time laws were officially suspended to suppress Buganda’s political aspirations was during the 1966 “state of emergency in Buganda”.

The Buganda officials, Mr. Peter Mayiga, Mr. Medard Lubega Ssegona and Ms. Betty Nambooze, were arrested over the weekend and subsequently charged with charges of inciting violence, promoting war, sectarianism and terrorism. The Monitor also reports that Tinyefuza claims that Buganda, like the rest of the colonial creations all over Africa is a haphazard placement of peoples with different cultures and linguistic characteristics, albeit related in the general sense. Within hours of the arrest of its officials, the Buganda government established a Buganda Emergency Response Committee (BERC), which has issued two press releases to update Baganda and their friends. Buganda Post (www.bugandapost.com) will has and will continue to reproduce the BERC’s press releases as they become available.