BY OUR CORRESPONDENT

L-R: Dr Steven Lwetutte (Amnesty International officer on matters concerning with Eastern Europe), Downing Street, Lawrence Muyimba (Treasurer Buganda Centre), Chairman Buganda Centre Deo Kiggundu Malagala and Harriet Senyonjo dilivering a petition to British Prime Minister’s Office, No 10 Downing Street last month.

LONDON: As pressure mounts and more petitions continue, the UK’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office for the first time has come out to speak about the September 11, massacre of 30 unarmed civilians and continue incarceration of over 800 people in the capital Kampala. “The UK government is deeply concerned about the recent rioting in Kampala,” reads  in part an October 23, letter, to expatriate Ugandans who last month petitioned the UK government and the International Community demanding that Uganda’s foreign backers to withdraw their support to dictator Yoweri Museveni’s regime after the September massacre of innocent civilians.

Judith Mann from Great Lakes Section on behalf of Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), wrote: “With our EU partners, we have raised our concerns about the use of excessive force by the police and defence during the riots with the government of Uganda and we have encouraged them to instigate an independent investigation into the riots.” This followed the increase petitions and lobbying by several groups of Ugandans abroad. Since the September, Kampala, streets carnage three groups most of them potential voters in the UK polls, have petitioned British Prime Minister’s No. 10 Downing Street. Whilst, others have prepared several dossiers to the House of Commons, House of Lords, and the European Union.

Although, the Ugandan President Museveni in his speech to the Parliament just after the riot, he justified his forces’ action as they handled the rioters. It has now emerged Uganda Government’s narrative of the events to the International Community is different. Museveni, in his televised directive was “Shoot and Kill’ order when the riot broke out on September 10, as Military Police and other armed security operatives blocked Prime Minister who was preparing His Majesty Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II’s visit to Kayunga an area  in Buganda Kingdom.  However, it has now been understood that when asked to account for the deaths and random arrests, the Uganda government’s message to the FCO is like chalk and cheese.

“The Ugandan authorities have told us that this will be investigated and that where appropriate, individuals will be held to account,” reads a FCO communiqué, contradicting, Museveni’s speech in which he labelled the protestors  as ‘shadowy subversive activities’ against his regime and  ‘hooligans’ whose purpose was meant to loot and destroy properties. During the September 11, riot, allegations of a foreign country, in this regard suspected to be Libya, had allegedly channelled huge amount of money to Buganda Kingdom to fund anti-NRM activities. The kingdom has vehemently denied such allegations, calling it playing dirt politics by Museveni’s regime to divert attention from  legitimate demands and possibly to persecute official from Mengo establishment.
The current-day Uganda acquires its name from the ancient Kingdom of Buganda, a hereditary monarchy that once covered the southern part the country including the capital Kampala. His Majesty Mutebi II, the custodian of the Kingdom has unsolved issues with the central government which include; the return of 9000sqmile of land, its County headquarters and a demand for Federal system of governance that can check corruption. In addition to now the formerly cherished CBS FM radio station which was closed during the recent riot.

In a separate communiqué to this reporter, another officer Ms Stephanie Sandison, said that the General Affairs External Relations Council of the European Union express its concern over the September’s riots in Kampala, arguing the Ugandan Government to resolve any political disputes through peaceful dialogue and democratic  institutions. That,  the Council also urges the Government to do its utmost to assure that there will be a level playing field in the run up to the general elections of 2011 and that these elections will be free, fair and transparent. Ms Sandison said; “This has been agreed jointly by all EU Member States, including the UK.  A full copy of the text can be found at: tttp://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/en/gena/110787.pdf.”

“We continue to monitor the political situation in Uganda closely and regularly discuss human rights issues with the Uganda Government,” said officer Ms Sandison from the Great Lake Region when reacting to question why the British Government unfailingly continues to cosset the tyrannical regime given the well documented human rights abuses. Reacting to a demand made in several petitions by expatriate Ugandans to have the September protesters released, Ms Sandison, said: “We continue to push for further action on human rights issues such as media freedom, illegal detention and politically motivated harassment.”
“The UK Government remains determined to bring stability to the region and will continue to work with the international community and partners in the region to bring this about,” says Ms Sandison.

Not used to public debates, fearing and well aware of the power of the media, President Museveni, justified CBS FM closure, when he claimed that it was inciting violence. Then the government accused CBS and other stations of inflaming violence that erupted in the entire region.

Meanwhile Ugandans in Diaspora joined the 120 country groups to continue lobby the UK Government and EU donors to scrutinise the Uganda Government in to protect their interests. In the last month, Ugandans from different organisations abroad have approached potential lobbyists over the current situation in Uganda.

“A total of 30 innocent civilians were brutally murdered by Museveni’s security forces last month and about 1000 people are still incarcerated in secret places, so, it’s our duty to check this situation,” said a member who attended a meeting with top UK Bishop and a member of House of Lords. The deputation, who has so far secured an informal approach with some UK MPs and members of House of Lords, is lobbying to give accurate and truthful information to the Commons about Uganda.

“We want to inform the legislators here that, the government’s continue backing of Museveni, is putting the British interests in Uganda at risk,” a member who attended an hour meeting at one of the Cathedral on October 19, told this reporter. Exclusively, this reporter has learnt that with the group has also prepared a similar dossier to be circulated to the European Parliament in Brussels-Belgium. A source said: “We are not going to use any form of force, but our brains and the power of the pen. That is why many politicians and Uganda’s foreign backers have welcomed this kind of approach. Let Museveni spend millions of dollars to decorate his corrupt regime, we are encountering his lies by delivering factual evidences,” said a source.

Within hours after a lecture from president Museveni’s chief censor, the management of foreigner owned Capital Radio issued a memo announcing new anti-Buganda policies. Rwandese Godfrey Mutabazi, Museveni’ airwaves enforcer visited Capital Radio and, using his infamous talking points (see “Rwandese Godfrey Mutabazi Censures Uganda Radios, His Talking Points“), specified what the station could and couldn’t broadcast. There was no resistance from the owners, who after a brief discussion, instructed the deputy general manager to implement.

Sources in Kampala tell us that members of the Baganda youth population have taken careful note of Capital FM’s eagerness to collaborate Buganda occupiers.

The memo which Capital Radio management sent to all its presenters, to implement the new anti-Buganda policies is shown below.

To: All Capital Radio Limited Presenters

Cc: Caroline Mukidi Wandera, Derick Nkajja, Jared Mokobo, George Manyali, Patricia Okoed Bukumunhe, Gloria Nakiyimba

Date: 29^th September 2009

Re: BUGANDA CONTENT

Following a meeting with the Broadcasting Council today concerning certain forms of on air content on Beat FM that can be deemed inciting and may have potential to inflame public sentiments, we are required to make key adjustments to our content broadcast on both Capital Radio and Beat FM.

All content relating to Buganda-the Buganda Kingdom and the institution of the Kabaka-will not be aired on both stations, unless as positive stories run in the New Vision or Bukedde newspapers covered in our press review. The stories which are positive are those that enhance the relationship between the Central Government and the Buganda Kingdom and do not incite the public into violence. In this context we shall not however give opinion but report them as fact.

More specific to Beat FM, we shall:

(a)  Stop all talk and promos in support of Buganda Certificates.

(b)  Stop all talk and promos in support of the Buganda Football Tournament Cup finals Amasaza Cup this Saturday

(c)   Stop all songs about Buganda and in some cases those about Buganda ’s quest for federo or those eulogizing the Kabaka and SeKabaka’s.

(d)  Stop all traditional drums and shakers that introduced the evening drive interspersed with homage to the Kabaka.

(e)  Stop any other comment that promotes the Buganda Kingdom or the Kabaka.

(f)   Stop all news coverage about Mengo or the Kabaka.

We shall only focus on lifestyle and entertainment content throughout our broadcasts.

For any future changes on this policy, I will duly communicate

Joel IsabiryeDeputy
General Manager
Programme Controller
Capital Radio Limited

Uganda police sources indicate that the number of people who have been arrested in connection with the Kayunga demonstrations is has now grown to over 1,000 and rouge officers and magistrates are making quick money. In the first 5 days after the disturbances where the NRM police and army shot dead 30 Baganda, about 600 people were arrested. Since then, the police has continued to arrest more Baganda, claiming that they are looking for ringleaders and other participants in what they (the police) claim to be public violence and terrorist activities.

Baganda sources within Museveni’s  police force have informed us that the primary reasons why so many people are being arrested are politics and money.  One source told us: “These arrests were ordered from the very top for political reasons. They provide a chance for the NRM to shut up its loudest opponents in Mmengo and the opposition parties, especially DP.  It is one way to put make it difficult for the opposition to start organizing themselves for the 2011 campaigns. The majority are arrested not because of evidence that they did anything but because they used to talk a lot against the NRM government on radio stations. So many of them are Baganda DP or FDC campaigners. In some cases the evidence is manufactured using tips from Banyankore, Bakiga and other non-Baganda who are NRM moles in the opposition parties.”

Another Muganda veteran police officer told our investigator that money is also a big reason why the arrests are growing. The office explained: “As you may expect, when an innocent Muganda is arrested on allegations of inciting violence, his or her family will normally be desperate to have him freed on bail. The arresting officers and the magistrate make some quick money by charging the desperate family anywhere between Shs 150,000 and Shs 400,000 (US$74 to $198) depending on situation. They eat the money and in the books they write that the suspect has been freed on a ‘no cash’ police bond. In law this is called extortion and I know that top people in the police force know that it is going on or may even be supporting it.”

The Uganda police force is commanded by Kalyekezi Kayihura, a Rwanda national who came to Uganda as a refugee and joined Uganda police where Mr. Museveni quickly rose him to the rank of General.

Justice Musoke Kibuuka has ordered the chief of Uganda police, military man Maj. Gen. Kale Kayihura, to produce Jane Nakambugu, a 14 year old Muganda girl who was abducted from her home by a police woman on September 1, 2009.  The order requires Kayihura to produce Nakambugu in court by September 24, 2009.

According to Jane’s parents, Yowasi Kalega and Esther Nakayiwa, their daughter was taken without explanation from her home in Kasana, Bulemeezi county, by a police woman and locked up at Kiwoko police station.

Jane’s parents told the judge that they followed their daughter and her abductor to Kiwoko police station to get the facts were told to come back after their daughter made a statement. They returned on September 3, only to be told that their daughter has been freed the day before. Suspicious of the police behavior, the distraught parents run to Justice Kibuuka’s court to plead for their daughter’s life.

It is not yet clear why the Kiwoko police, notorious among the locals for its high corruption, would abduct  a 14 year old child in a style that was fashionable during dictator Idi Amin’s regime. However, Nakambugu was a 4th grade student at Kiwoko Church of Uganda Primary School, where, as in many Buganda schools, children as young as 10 have learnt to  openly and aggressively express their ethnic identity and commitment to the Kabaka. Moreover, Nkoba za Mbogo, the main Baganda youth organization now boasts over 100,000 members in branches starting from primary schools through universities and professional ranks.

David Kasozi
USA and Buganda

Kyawedde dda! Ssabasajja  is cool with us radical Baganda.  Many of us are constantly accused of being “too radical” by fellow Baganda because we are not willing to compromise with NRM or anyone else who suggests that Uganda is more important than Buganda. Many Ugandans, including prominent Baganda both in Mmengo and outside have vilified us by calling us “tribalists”, “sectarian”, “unpatriotic”, “backward” or  ”too radical”. Even Kabaka’s representatives in Europe and America, serving their own personal interests, have made false reports to Mmengo and Kabaka about us. We have even been accused of being “anti Kabaka” and “anti Mengo” simply because we are not afraid of pointing out Buganda government officials who are in bed with the enemy.

Who are we? We are the millions of Baganda youths in Nkoba za Mbogo, Bana ba Kintu and other organizations, who pioneered the resistance against the marginalization of our Kabaka and our nation Buganda.  We are the Bazukulu ba Buganda, who a few corrupt Buganda government officials, cheating Kabaka, have harassed for years. We the radicals also include members of Ggwangamujje in Europe and America who have not been equivocal about putting Buganda and Kabaka first. We have organized Ttabamiruka conferences in America and Buganda, angering the NRM government, Uganda politicians and even some Buganda government officials. Oh, and we are also deep in Mmengo, fighting the NRM moles who betray our Kabaka and Buganda for a few pieces of silver. A few of us are even Baganda clan leaders, who would rather die poor than betray our Kabaka and our Bazukulu. Some of us radical have been kidnapped and molested, or otherwise harassed, but gone back to the our usual  behavior  of channels to telling the NRM dictators that we won’t quit!  It is us radicals who have also made the ultimate sacrifice for Buganda, getting shot dead by the NRM government’s police and soldiers.

The reason we are radical is simple. We whole heartedly embrace the saying, “Baganda nkoba za mbogo; zegya zoka mu bunya”.  And the plot to destroy Buganda, since 1990, is so thick that if we continue acting “nice and civilized” there might be no Buganda soon.  You will not hear us praising any Ugandan politician, Muganda or not, as the one will save Buganda;  because we know they cannot.  Nor do we get excited about promised from the NRM government because we do not accept the idea that anyone has a right to play “master” over Kabaka and Buganda.   All that talk about Federo is alright so long it is not “given” or “granted” to us. Only Baganda can and should determine how they are ruled, whether Federo or full independence. We do not owe Uganda  anything and cannot be forced to accept other people’s arrangements under duress, as it happened in 1960 and 1995.

We proudly claim that Ssabasajja  is now one of us radical Baganda because his historical actions in September 2009 leave no doubt that he has lost patience with the “Abasajja tubakwaate mpola” philosophy.  We are confident that he is tired of uncivilized, unkempt, Banamawanga telling him to shut up while they rape and pillage his kingdom. Look around him now and you see us, the radicals. We didn’t all start this way. So, it is OK if you are not yet a radical Muganda but we look forward to having you join us. It is such a liberating feeling!

We have learnt from highly reliable sources in  President Museveni state house apparatus that the Ugandan strongman may soon disown the brutal actions of Uganda police against Baganda youths in Kayunga.  According to an email message sent through an intermediary, the source says: “Ugandans are going to be surprised when Mr. Museveni will claim that he only learnt about the problems in Kayunga  on Tuesday or Wednesday. He also intends to attack people who claim that he has anything to do with the threatening letter that his minister Kirunda Kivejinja wrote, warning Kabaka not to go to Kayunga, in Bugerere county.”

Our source could not confirm when Mr. Museveni will make the public statements but speculated that he (Museveni) might do it when he meets MPs who come from Buganda on Thursday or Friday.  As for why Museveni plans to do this the source said: “Museveni has no choice this time. He fully understands that  he underestimated the Kabaka and Baganda on this issue of Bugerere. He also knows that he overestimated the influence that Katikkiro Walusimbi and his supporters still have on Kabaka Mutebi’s decisions. The only option he has, as a military man, is a tactical withdraw. And, based on his past behavior he may blame everything on  Kirunda and [Rwandese police commander]  Kale Kayihura.” The MPs are expected to ask Museveni to explain which his government is blocking Kabaka Mutebi from freely moving in Buganda simply because 22 people demonstrated with sigs that they don’t want him to visit without first consulting their leader, who happens to be an active member of the Uganda army.

In May 2009, the Aga Khan’s The Monitor newspaper printed a Uganda government sponsored story claiming that  Kabaka Mutebi postponed his planned  tour of Kayunga, in Bugerere county, due to fear that Banyala residents might demonstrate against him (see “Kabaka Will Visit Bugerere When Youths Are Home “).  This writer established at the time that the true reason was because Kabaka was traveling to Europe on official duties.  Due to conflict with another tour of Buvuma in July/August, the Bugerere trip was finally rescheduled to start on September 12, 2009.

Since Monday, the Uganda police, under the command of Rwandese refugee Kale Kayihura, has obstructed Baganda youth trying to prepare the site for Kabaka’s main ceremonies at Kayunga. They even fired teargas canisters into the car of  Mengo officials who had gone to Kayunga to oversee  the preparations. The Police also kidnapped Baganda youths who were erecting stalls and held them incommunicado for a day. Earlier, a Musoga minister in Museveni’s government, Kirunda Kivejinja wrote to Mmengo, warning that the Kabaka should not go to Bugerere without the agreement of one Baker Kimeze, the Museveni appointed first king “Bunyala”. Museveni created the pseudo kingdoms of Buruli and Bunyala within Buganda, in direct contradiction of his own Uganda constitution, which does not recognize ‘subkingdoms’ within Buganda.

Despite Museveni’s threats and brutal police actions, Kabaka Mutebi instructed his trusted officials like, David Mpanga, Lubega Ssegona, Betty Nabooze, Kabuuza Mukasa and several others, especially in Nkoba za Mbogo, to spearhead “Operation See You in  Kayunga”.   Through these ‘warriors” Kabaka Mutebi informed his subjects that he was determined to go to Kayunga and not allow a repeat of what happened in Buruli.  According to information from the operational command post, headed by Betty Nambooze,  tens of thousands of Baganda are expected to descend on Kayunga on Saturday, based on contacts with Gombolola and Miruka chiefs across Buganda. President Museveni’s internal security organization has informed their boss of these facts. The main reason why Museveni is backing down is because he has no confidence that his police can handle the situation if they try to stop the Baganda.

On August 24, 2009, Kabaka Ronald Mutebi II decried the growing mod violence by land squatters (bibanja holders) against legal land owners.  The Kabaka was opening the 17th session of the Great Lukiiko (Buganda national parliament) . The Kabaka said:  ”"For generations  in Buganda there has been a smooth  working relationship between land owners and bibanja holders.  Now, there is no harmony between the two sides because each suspects the other one. ”  He called for a solution to be found to stop the situation from getting out of control.

The Kabaka did not blame any party for the violence. However, according to sources at Mmengo, Kabaka Mutebi is very concerned about the ongoing FM radio campaigns by John Tamale Mirundi, encouraging squatters to attack land owners. Mirundi uses Star FM, TOP Radio and other FM stations to tell his targeted listeners: “When those land owners bring court brokers or surveyors and try to evict you, defend your selves. Be ready to use pangas  (machetes), sticks and fire to get rid them.”  In the last two months, mobs of bibanja holders have murdered two landlords in Bugerere county alone. In Makukulu Village, Sam Kubo was lynched last week when he went to survey his land in the area.  And on July 31, 2009, squatters in Namatogonya village, also in Bugerere,  beat  the owner’s agent, Livingstone Ssekamate, unconscious and then burnt his alive.

Along with Robert Mukhooli Kabushenga, Tamale Mirundi is believed to be one of Mr. Museveni’s two most trusted strategy advisors on Buganda.  As Mr. Museveni’s Presidential Press Secretary, Tamale Mirundi is widely believed by rural land squatters to be speaking on behalf of the Ugandan strong man. The emerging consensus among Buganda analysts is that president  Museveni may be creating the terror because Mmengo seems to have successfully blocked his Land Act Amendment of 2009 the way they did with the his Regional Tier. But there are some who believe that Mr. Museveni is popularizing violence as part of a bigger vision to create a genocide in Buganda.

This is not the first time that Museveni and Tamale Mirundi have engaged in FM radio campaigns to promote violence in Buganda. In January 2009 we reported that Mirundi and his boss were engaged in an intense anti-Buganda FM Radio campaign similar to the  ones that were blamed for the 1994 Rwanda genocide (see “Museveni Sending Dangerous Message Through Tamale Mirundi“).

Samwiri Mukasa
Buganda Nationalist
USA

I found the arrogance in Mr. Museveni’s “Guidance to Banyoro Bafuruki question” letter, posted in Buganda Post on August 1, 2009, unacceptable. Click on “Tired, Drowning Museveni Blames Baganda For Bunyoro Land Violence” to see the letter. I cannot understand how a man who became president on the backs of Baganda can go so far in abusing us and our Kabaka. I had to do something about it. My late father used to tell us that, if you want deal with a stone-throwing mad man, throw a few rocks at him too. So, I chose to throw my own 9 so called principles at Museveni, blow by blow, here on Buganda Post. Mr. Museveni’s “stones” (poor spelling is his) are shown in regular text and my “rocks” in bold.

Guidance on Baganda vs Guidance on Banyoro

Having thought about all this for a long time, I am proposing the following principles to be part of the solutions.

After reading president Museveni’s letter and thinking about it for a short time, I am proposing the following principles to be part of the solutions.

1.     Ring-fencing the LC 5 positions in the whole of Bunyoro region for the indigenous people; and also ring-fencing the sub-county leadership in the whole of Bunyoro.

1. Ring-fencing all politics in the Kingdom of Buganda for native Baganda people (the Bataka and appropriate community leaders will sort out the details of how to put Baluuri, Banyala, Bakenyi and even certain Bajjwa on the path to full recognition as citizens of Buganda, and integrating some of their unique customary practices in Baganda culture)

2.    Ring-fencing the positions of Member of Parliament in the whole of Bunyoro region for the indeginous people except for the special constituencies created around Rutete (Lutete) and Kisita resettlement schemes. Number and two will in the spirit of article of 9 and article 10 of the 1995 Constitution of Uganda. They were also envisaged by article 32 of the constitution of Uganda which talked about affirmative action in favour of marginalized groups by reason of history or otherwise for the purpose of redressing imbalances that exist against them.

2. Abolishing the bogus 1995 Museveni Constitution since it is a “weapon of Buganda occupation”. Over 90% of Buganda’s people publically protested it because they preferred a federal form of government and Mr. Museveni responded with threats  to use force. The same happened in 1998 when Baganda demonstrated against the Land Act; Mr. Museveni threaten to start a new guerrilla war. Even more importantly, our Kabaka has publically stated, “Tuli mu buwambe” (”we under occupation”) – the Kabaka cannot lie!

3.    All the indigenous people that were on the Mailo land in 1964 should be granted ownership and the absentee landlords should leave the land. All the indeginous people that have been on public land should get titles ownership of that land. The Bafuuriki in the settlement schemes already have their land and should get titles if they do not have them. The Bafuuriki who bought land legally should have their rights recognized.

3. All Baganda who, in 1986, were on land that was later acquired irregularly by non-Baganda (using stolen government funds, drug money, laundered funds, land grabbing, etc.) shall be granted ownership and titles. Proof of income and tax records will be required to support claims of legal acquisition by the non-Baganda. Anyone who bought stolen property (abaagula ebibbe) will automatically lose it as required by ancient Buganda Laws.

4.    All the illegal encroachers in forest reserves should be evicted without compensation as the normadic cattle keepers of Buliisa are being settled in Buganda.

4. All the illegal encroachers in forest reserves, wetlands and cultural sites shall  be evicted without compensation and the nomadic cattle keepers will be repatriated to their home countries, using Tanzania’s successful experience as a model.

5.    The towns and trading centre should be exempted from these affirmative action measures. They should be free for all Ugandans. This is the healthy integration. The totally integrated Uganda should have its nucleus in the urban centers, factories, the hotels, the shops, the real estate etc. in oreder to promote healthy integration, industrialization should be promoted to pull redundant population from rural areas to the urban areas. Here there should be no regulation beyond ensuring that the workers are Ugandans.

5. Land ownership by genuine non-Baganda investors and residents will follow international norms, using countries like Japan, Korea and Israel as models. There will be a limit to the amount of land these non-Baganda investors and residents may own outside urban areas – to be set by the Great Lukiiko.

6.    The indigenous people who get land should be prohibited from selling the land for 20years and also leasing it.

6. The indigenous people who get land shall be free to sell their land to other Buganda or to non-Baganda through Buganda Land Board and according to the laws governing Buganda land.

7.    A program of sensitising the Banyoro and Bafuuriki should be promoted.

7. A program of sensitizing all Baganda and residents of Buganda about the historical and cultural importance we put on our land and environment shall be promoted.

8.    Government should have a special program for developing Bunyoro using money provided by the central government including the British funds.

8. Ssabasajja Kabaka’s Government shall have a comprehensive strategy and several programs to develop the kingdom’s people at a rapid rate, relying on the resources of Kabaka’s people all over the world – Kabaka does not “beg”.

9.    Finally there should a sunset clause to terminate or cause a review of this policy after 20years.

9. Finally, there is no sunset clause to terminate or reduce the rights of Baganda to determine how their God given land in the 18 counties shall be administered.

All this is a consequence of the colonial policies also supported by the traditional chiefs like of Mengo in Uganda, of discouraging the use of Swahili as a national language. If the people of Bunyoro-the Banyoro or the Bafuuriki were using Swahili, their differences would be submerged. It is the use of vernacular that provokes, in part, these contradictions. I like the indeginous languages, in fact I am about to complete a dictionary in Runyakore-Rukiga. However, I see these vanaculars not as an end in themselves. I see them as a source of enriching Swahili. That is why NRM promotes Swahili. We included it in the constitution; we use it in the army etc.

The committee, should, therefore, look at the principles I have mentioned above and see them work. You should also identify any other problems that I have not identified and propose solutions. You should propose any solutions you feel are useful in the areas for which I have suggested solutions.

All this  is a consequence of failure on our part, the Baganda,  to recognize that Uganda has needed us way much more than we did. And, that the relationship is now irreparable, especially since Uganda is a certified failed state, run by common thieves. How would one otherwise explain why the president’s office cannot not use an English spell-checker on Mr. Museveni’s letter?

Awangaale Ssabasajja!

Samwiri Mukasa

Louise Edwards
Programme Officer – Access to Justice (East Africa)
Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, New Delhi

The United Nations Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, Professor Philip Alston, presented his detailed report on Kenya at the recent 11th Session of the UN Human Rights Council.  In an extraordinary week of political maneuvering, reinforcing the internal tension that plagues Kenya’s Grand Coalition Government, the Kenyan delegation responded with an oral statement to the Council that contradicted their earlier written response. Having initially denied Professor Alston’s accusations of the widespread and systematic use of extrajudicial killings by the Kenya Police Force, the delegation conceded that there is a problem, but stopped short of acknowledging Government complicity.

The proceedings and outcomes at the 11th Session have received much local and international press.  Now, two weeks later, the focus must shift to action taken by the Kenyan Government to address the issues raised by Professor Alston and the fall out from the publication of his report, which included the killing of two human rights defenders that had previously cooperated with his mandate.  Despite the eventually positive response from the Kenyan delegation in Geneva, early signs of action are not necessarily promising.

Professor Alston’s report articulated what concerned local and international organisations have been saying about the Kenya Police Force for many years and which the Government failed to acknowledge until their oral statement to the Council – that extrajudicial killings are part of the policing landscape in Kenya. The oral statement also contained a public acknowledgement of Kenya’s weak police oversight mechanisms, the need to establish a local independent police commission and assurances that no human rights defenders would be intimidated or harassed as a result of their cooperation with the UN Special Procedures mandate-holders.

Nevertheless, it remains to be seen whether the promising outcomes in Geneva will translate into credible action in Nairobi.  Successive promises of reform articulated in a number of strategies and processes over the past 10 years have not been completed or sustained by the Kenya Government.  Kenyans continue to be policed by an organisation that lacks sufficient accountability structures, fails to protect or uphold basic human rights and is continually subject to illegitimate political interference.  Millions of dollars have been invested in the development and publication of commission reports, task force findings and reform strategies without any genuine steps by the Government to implement systemic reform.

The concerning state of policing in Kenya has received significant national and international attention over the past 18 months.  The police response to the 2007 post-election violence brought the issue of political partisanship, impunity and brutality to the fore.  The Waki Commission report into the violence strongly recommended comprehensive reform of the Kenya Police Force and Administration Police and Professor Alston’s report reinforced the brutal and corrupt practices that have been permitted to flourish by the unreformed, colonial policing model. 

Police reform is a daunting and long term process.  It requires substantial law reform, a radical shift in policing culture from one of impunity to accountability and the restoration of trust between police and the community.  None of these urgent reforms will happen in Kenya without the political and financial commitment of the Government to undertake reforms of this scope.  The recent establishment by the President of a special Police Reform Task Force represents a positive step towards delivering credible advances.  However, the Government must translate the Task Force’s recommendations into actual reform that goes beyond improving operational capacity to address governance, accountability and legal structures.  Otherwise the Task Force, for all its good intention, will become another failed reform vehicle.

Drawing on the previous recommendations and those foreshadowed to appear in the current Task Force findings, the Government should implement the following minimum reforms:

• Constitutional and legislative amendments that clearly separate the operational control of the police from the direct control from the political Executive and provide for transparency in monitoring police performance and conduct,
• Strengthening internal and external oversight mechanisms, including the enactment of legislation and budgetary allocation to give full effect to the Police Oversight Board plus the establishment of an independent complaints mechanisms,
• Establish a clear demarcation between the role of the Kenya Police Force and the Administration Police,
• Improve police human rights training and resourcing to strengthen human rights compliance and operational effectiveness in the prevention, detection and investigation of crime, and
• Establish clear legislative guidelines on the use of force, torture and adherence to basic due process that accord with Kenya’s existing obligations under international law.

If the Government is serious about reforming the police, a commitment to implementing past and current recommendations is not enough.  It must also take immediate steps that both demonstrate its firm commitment to reform and restore public confidence in the reform process.  A positive first action should be the investigation, prosecution and punishment of those police officers who commit or acquiesce to illegal acts including, but not limited to, those responsible for the 2007 post-election violence and the perpetrators of extrajudicial killings.

Other immediate steps must include measures to implement the Government’s guarantee of protection to individuals who have been intimidated or subject to retribution for their cooperation with the UN Special Procedures mandate-holders.  Human rights defenders, including members of the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights have been subject to threats and some have been forced to flee Kenya.  The high profile execution of two prominent human rights defenders, who cooperated with Professor Alston, and the failure by the police and Government to identify those responsible, highlights the inadequacy of protection and security for human rights defenders.  While Kenya has a witness protection programme, reform is urgently required to ensure the integrity of its internal processes (including accountability, Executive control and information storage and sharing) before those who are most in need of protection will have confidence in the systems that are designed to deliver it. 

The 2007 post-election violence, followed by the findings in Professor Alston’s report, and the tragic consequences for human rights defenders who cooperated with his mandate, have kept the problems with Kenyan policing firmly in the international spotlight.  Whether the political will to commit to genuine reform is present in the Grand Coalition Government remains to be seen, but what is clear to the international community is that the need for police reform is more crucial than ever.

The Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI) is an independent, non-partisan, international NGO working for the practical realisation of human rights in the countries of the Commonwealth.
www.humanrightsinitiative.org

J. M. Musoke: Buganda Cabinet Please Resign

I also want to thank Buganda Post for giving us a Letter to Editor section.  I hope to be able to use the chance myself to give my thoughts on issue which concern me very much. For now I can say that it is very bad that our leaders in Mengo fear Museveni so much to the extent of allowing him to treat katikiro like a toy.

The position of katikiro has always been very high and respected. He is not supposed to go running every time someone like Museveni coughs. As Owek. Dan Muliika proved to the whole world, a katikiro with a backbone (nkizi) can even just tell Museveni that Baganda have refused as Muliika did with that fake regional tier law. And Museveni had to put his tail in his legs and go away. Do you see an elected Katikiro as Museveni had wanted? It is because Muliika refused and the mighty Museveni blinked.

I do not think that the part-time katikiro Walusimbi  and his cabinet  have what Buganda needs today to survive Museveni plots. Really, the Buganda cabinet  needs to resign as quickly as possible. Even if Kabaka cannot find a new katikiro immediately, it is fine for Owek. Ssendawula to be acting again, with a new braver cabinet. The good former ambassador has done this before and can never do the type of damage Owek. Walusimbi has done to Buganda’s image and confidence. I really fear that if Owek. Walusimbi goes on annoying young Baganda for long he may bring back violence into Mengo politics. The last thing Buganda needs is Nsibirwa situation.

John Mary Musoke
ENTEBBE