Justice Musoke Kibuuka has ordered the chief of Uganda police, military man Maj. Gen. Kale Kayihura, to produce Jane Nakambugu, a 14 year old Muganda girl who was abducted from her home by a police woman on September 1, 2009.  The order requires Kayihura to produce Nakambugu in court by September 24, 2009.

According to Jane’s parents, Yowasi Kalega and Esther Nakayiwa, their daughter was taken without explanation from her home in Kasana, Bulemeezi county, by a police woman and locked up at Kiwoko police station.

Jane’s parents told the judge that they followed their daughter and her abductor to Kiwoko police station to get the facts were told to come back after their daughter made a statement. They returned on September 3, only to be told that their daughter has been freed the day before. Suspicious of the police behavior, the distraught parents run to Justice Kibuuka’s court to plead for their daughter’s life.

It is not yet clear why the Kiwoko police, notorious among the locals for its high corruption, would abduct  a 14 year old child in a style that was fashionable during dictator Idi Amin’s regime. However, Nakambugu was a 4th grade student at Kiwoko Church of Uganda Primary School, where, as in many Buganda schools, children as young as 10 have learnt to  openly and aggressively express their ethnic identity and commitment to the Kabaka. Moreover, Nkoba za Mbogo, the main Baganda youth organization now boasts over 100,000 members in branches starting from primary schools through universities and professional ranks.

During a joint press conference with Burundi president Pierre Nkurunziiza on May 29, 2009, president Museveni repeated that he had a secret meeting with Katikkiro JB Walusimbi of Buganda where the two agreed to take the draft Land Act of 2009 to parliament for debate. The Buganda Lukiiko had on May 11, 2009, passed a resolution that the proposed new land law was unacceptable to Buganda. It was in response to the resolution that Mr. Museveni first claimed that he had a secret agreement with Mr. Walusimbi. The Uganda president has never explained the legal basis of his negotiations or agreements with the Katikkiro, since he (the president) has many times told the nation that Mmengo is a cultural non-government organization (NGO) without political power.

A source close to Uganda’s state house has exclusively told us in an email that president Museveni and his team are now trying to work out new plan on Buganda after getting disappointed by Katikkiro JB Walusimbi. And that their plan includes undermining Walusimbi so he can be replaced quickly. According to the sources: “The Katikkiro set very high expectations for Mr. Museveni and his people when he took the office. He assured them that he could bring order in Mmengo, which Sendaula was not strong enough to do. The problem is that he is now seen as much weaker and less reliable than any Katikkiro since Kabaka Mutebi assumed Namulondo.  Talina lugendo [‘His journey is over’] with state house because Mr. Museveni prefers a strong enemy who he can spy on to get useful intelligence than a weak friend, who people tell very little. Don’t be surprised to hear Museveni continue to make Walusimbi look bad – he wants him to go.”

During the May 22, 2009 press conference, Mr. Museveni also announced that he has a team ready to negotiate with Mmengo on Federo and other Buganda demands. In what some analysts have called a “carrot and stick” style, Mr. Museveni has over the last 15 years called Mmengo a cultural organization which is illegally getting involved into politics, while at the same time calling them to discuss their political demands.   On Monday April 20, 2009, Katikkiro Walusimbi informed the Buganda Lukiiko that he had chosen a committee of 10 to represent Buganda in the negotiations with Mr. Museveni’s government. Owek. Walusimbi and Rwandese Higiro Semajege would lead the committee, with Apollo Makubuya and Charles Peter Mayiga, the two Mmengo officials who, with John Katende and former Katikkiro Mulwaanyamuli Semwogerere accepted Regional Tier deal from Museveni. Kabaka and Baganda rejected it, causing Mulwaanyamuli to be fired.

One New York based Muganda analyst says: “Museveni is playing with Mmengo to buy time, and expecting that with time so much of Buganda will be taken over by foreigners that Mmengo will have to accept whatever they are offered. First, he set up a legal system where Mmengo can never get what it wants even if he says yes to them. Then he is his flooding Buganda with Balaalo, Sudanese and others to where the population is now over 60% foreign. And if Mmengo keeps trusting this man, by the time the so called talks end in 2020 Baganda may be 15%, and no one will care who a Muganda is. One way out I see is for Ssabasajja to do a complete modernization of the Mmengo system so that it can deal with Buganda challenges without depending on the abilities of a single individual. And he cannot do this with the same people who are running Mmengo 1960’s style today.  If that does not happen, the only other thing I think ordinary Baganda have done in history is to take things in their hands and save their Kabaka, Namulondo and nation.” 

On September 28, 2008 someone posted a  video titled “Museveni and Child Soldiers” on YouTube.com  in an apparent effort to alert the world community about President Museveni’s possible crimes relating to the use of child soldiers. At the time, a vote was about to be taken on whether to allow Uganda to become a member of the UN Security Council.

In the video, Mr. Museveni explains his use of child soldiers with:  “In Africa here even by the age of four you learn to fight. This is our tradition; you fight with sticks, with spears and with arrows. “ And he dismisses children rights activists who oppose use of child soldiers with: “If you think that this [child soldiering] will disorient them psychologically, that is not the case.”

Click here to see the video.

The United Nations, Denmark, the European Union and the USA are all officially against the use of child soldiers.  There are credible reports, as recent as 2008, that President Museveni’s government has been using child soldiers, especially in the war against an Acholi rebel group led by Joseph Kony.  The Danish embassy is intimately knowledgeable about these and other gruesome human rights violations by Mr. Museveni’s government, yet they continue to aggressively support  his programs, including those that may lead to more conflicts in future.

Possibly the most controversial of these program supported by Denmark and the European Union in Uganda today s is Mr. Museveni’s efforts to illegally steal 9,000 of native lands from the Baganda people and to dismantle their cultural institutions and kingdom.  He has passed several target anti-Baganda political and property rights laws which are even illegal under the United Nations charter and protocols with tacit support from the Danish, Norwegian and British ambassadors.

The consensus among all the Baganda intellectuals we interviewed for this article is that Denmark’s support for Mr. Museveni on the question of Buganda self-determination is driven by deep subconscious racism, greed for business opportunities and corruption in their Kampala embassy.  Because Denmark is a kingdom that claims to support human rights and has done so in Europe, Asia and Latin America, they have no logical excuse for using DANIDA to fund programs to dismantle another kingdom, Buganda, about as big as their own.  The consensus is that the Danes have a subconscious racist belief that black people are all the same- they don’t need or deserve kingdoms of their choice ; they just need food and medicine.

A Muganda historian based in Kampala has assured this writer that  Mr. Museveni’s claims that child violence is an African tradition are untrue, especially in relation to the Buganda kingdom and  some other parts of Uganda. He explained: “ It is true that among Mr. Museveni’s the Bahima/Tutsi cattle keepers fighting with sticks to settle personal disagreements is usual, the practice is not a in many African communities. For example,  in Buganda courts to settle personal issues were in operation well before European came to the area in the 1880’s. Buganda had a standing army of thousands of adults only (around 15 years and up) and its role was to fight national enemies. A court system which extended down to village level (kitawuluzi) handled personal criminal and civil cases, including the crime of fighting with sticks. Similarly, Banyoro, Batoro and Basoga do not have a culture of training 9 year olds to kill.”